The Burma Issue in Sino-U.S. Relations

In January 2007, China and Russia vetoed a UN draft resolution on Burma with the result that the Burma issue has become yet another point of conflict between the U.S. and China. Although the Burma issue has been present for nearly 20 years, China and the U.S. have both successfully kept their differences under control. In the short term, it is unlikely that conflict will break out between China and U.S. over Burma. However, in the long term,there is still the possibility that the Burma issue could trigger a conflict between China and the U.S..     

中美关系与亚太地区格局

亚太地区是中美利益的交汇区,中美战略关系的发展直接影响地区格局的走向,同样,地区格局的演变也影响着中美关系。未来,在亚太地区,中美之间既存在着广泛的共同利益,有着较大的合作空间,但双方也存在着明显的战略取向的冲突。美国将追求维持其对亚太地区的主导地位,实现所谓＂美国治下的和平＂;而中国坚持主张国际政治民主化,以完全平等的方式与亚太国家发展合作关系。这种理念差异和政策取向将对亚太地区战略格局产生影响。     

Sino-U.S. Confrontation over Chávez Regime Imminent?

The controversial Chávez government has complicated Sino- U.S. relations. However, China's presence in Venezuela does not pose a threat to U.S. national security,and, in the near future, confrontation between China and the United States over Venezuela is unlikely.     

Transforming Sino-U.S. Strategic Relations

Sino-U.S. strategic relations have undergone profound transformations over the past thirty years. It is increasingly urgent to change and transcend Sino-U.S. strategic relations. However, rapid adjustments and changes in world pattem prevent China and the U.S. from drawing a clear picture of each other＇s strategy. Vagueness in strategy awareness leads to difficult strategic adjustment, impacting virtuous interaction and stable development of Sino-U.S. strategic relations. The U.S., as relatively more important part in bilateral strategic relations, needs to take an initiative in substantial moves.     

Sino-U.S. Cooperation in North Korean Nuclear Issue

China and the United States have cooperated closely in resolving the second North Korean nuclear crisis.China and the United States have worked together with South Korea, Russia and Japan to prevent the North Korean nuclear issue from spiraling out of control, and they have also tried to make progress in the six-party talks. Despite differences over the issue, both sides are maintaining the momentum of cooperation with increasing mutual understanding and trust. The current U.S.-North Korea rapprochement has progressed quickly, adding a new factor in Sino-U.S. cooperation. Apart from bilateral contact with North Korea, the United States is insisting on a multilateral approach, continuing to persuade China to share responsibility for a nuclear-free Peninsula, and jointly advancing the process in the second phase set forth in the February 13 Agreement on Initial Actions. China's role,therefore, remains indispensable.     

局部等级视角下的东亚安全秩序与中美战略竞争

东亚秩序转型是冷战后国际关系学界争论的重要问题。在回顾既有争论的基础上,本文尝试从局部等级视角切入,分析东亚安全秩序的性质及其转型动力。局部等级体系由体系唯一超级大国领导的地区安全等级与区域内自助国家共同构成。冷战结束以来,东亚地区呈现出典型的局部等级体系特征,并在中国持续崛起的过程中逐步形成了以战略对冲为主要行为模式的安全秩序。尽管当前美国对华政策的对抗性不断增强,但是在局部等级体系下中国坚持战略对冲不但可以有效缓解自身面临的崛起困境,而且有助于防止中美陷入美苏冷战式的集团对抗,以战略对冲为核心特征的东亚安全秩序也将因此得以延续。这些发现一定程度上深化了地区安全秩序和大国竞争的理论研究,同时也有助于中美两国更为有效地管控其在东亚地区的战略竞争。     

The Sino–Russian Partnership and U.S. Policy Toward North Korea: From Hegemony to Concert in Northeast Asia

This paper presents two sets of arguments: one theoretical and one analytical. The theoretical arguments concern the relationship between regional ordering and systemic change. The paper questions the usefulness of the unipolar conception of the contemporary system arguing that the interaction of the Great Powers cannot be understood without reference to regional dynamics. Thus, a unipolar system implies considerable potential for U.S. hegemonic intervention at the regional level but in East Asia, we find an equilibrium constructed out of both material and normative forces, defined as a concert, which presents a considerable restraint on all powers, including the U.S. The paper then proceeds to examine these claims through an analysis of the foreign policies of the U.S., Russia, and China over the North Korean nuclear problem that emerged after 2002. It finds that China and Russia have substantive common interests arising from internal and external re-ordering in which they look to strategic partnerships, regional multilateralism, and systemic multipolarization as inter-locking processes. The paper finds that they have collaborated over the Korean crisis to prevent a U.S. unilateral solution but that this should not be construed as a success for an open counterhegemonic strategy as it was only under the constraining conditions of East Asian concert, including the dynamics within the U.S. alliance systems, that this collaboration was successful. Nevertheless, the paper concludes that regional multipolarity and systemic unipolarity are contradictory: a system that exhibits multipolarization at the regional level cannot be characterized as unipolar at the global level.     

China-U.S. Handshake in Northeast Asia

Dual instability has simultaneously shaken China-U.S.ties and Northeast Asian balance of power,putting on hold a Six-Party Talks that promised to give birth to a region-wide security framework based on...     

韩国疏美亲中现象剖析

以2002年11月驻韩美军装甲车轧死两名女中学生事件为导火索,韩国国内出现了强烈的反美情绪,接着发生的蜡灯示威,引起“韩美同盟危机论”,形成强烈的以驻韩美军为中心的“反美舆论”。与此同时,伴随着中国的崛起和飞速前进的中韩关系的发展,在韩国社会及政治外交领域出现了要求以中韩亲近替换韩美同盟的呼声。其原因主要有国际政治格局的变动、国内政治的需求、驻韩美军调整问题、韩日关系的恶化以及中韩关系的崛起等五个方面。面对这种现象,我国应该审时度势稳妥推进。     

Eurasian tensions: How the U.S. Should Assess Competitive Pressures from Russia and China

With tensions over Ukraine growing, the Biden administration finds itself confronting a similar charge to one that dogged the Obama administration in the run-up to and aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea: namely, that it is exhibiting weakness that could embolden Moscow and other discontents of the post–Cold War settlement. This judgment overstates U.S. agency while discounting the competitive challenges confronting Russia and China.     

U.S.Deterrence and Coercive Diplomacy and China's Coping Strategy

Deterrence and coercion are two kinds of strategies,the latter being more aggressive than the former.The U.S.Asia-Pacific Rebalancing strategy is an important diplomatic legacy of Obama's administration.For the issues involving the Diaoyu Islands,the South China Sea,cyber security,DPRK's nuclear program,and Iran's nuclear program,the U.S.has carded out military deterrence and non-force coercion against China.But generally,these are low-level coercive measures and distinct from the severe economic sanction and diplomatic isolation imposed by the U.S.on Russia,Syria,DPRK and Iran in recent years.Concerning issues where the U.S.and China hold distinct views,there would be less strategic leeway for the two countries.If the U.S.is to strengthen deterrence and coercion towards China,China can respond more actively and effectively,but it will be more difficult to build a new model of China-U.S.major-country relationship.     

Evolution of the U.S. Strategy toward China and China’s Peaceful Development

China-U.S. relationship is the most important one between two big powers in the world today. It is both bilateral and global by nature. How to handle this relationship is closely linked with the fundamental interests of the U.S. and China, as well as peace and stability in the Asia Pacific region and even in the world. So, a profound examination of the nature of U.S. strategy toward China and its evolution over the years will help to fully understand the opportunities and challenges China will meet in the course of peaceful development.     

The Gwadar Port Issue in Sino-U.S. Relations

Because of its unique geopolitical importance,China's aid to construct Gwadar Port has caused much concern in the U.S. and other countries. The U.S. sees it as strategic expansion in the Indian Ocean and claims that China is intent on using Gwadar Port as a naval base in its "string of pearls strategy." The U.S. and China maintain conflicting interests on this issue. Although Sino-U.S.relations may not be affected greatly in the near future, the negative influence in the long term cannot be ignored.     

美国防部《2009中国军力报告》评析

美国国防部发布的“中国军力报告”既是美国对中国军力的认知反应，也是美国拟定对华政策的重要参考依据。《2009中国军力报告》总体上缺乏新意，一方面反映奥巴马政府对华战略尚处于构建阶段，预示其将延续前任政府的对华政策；另一方面也表明中美关系的发展将处于相对稳定状态。然而，就报告出台的背景及报告本身的权威性而言，仍值得关注。     

Some Thoughts on Sino-U.S. Energy Cooperation

During U.S. President Bush's visit to China on September 19-21,2005, leaders of the two countries stated that China and the U.S.would further enhance strategic dialogues and cooperation in various fields including energy.     

建交30年来中美关系发展分析

中美建交30多年来,两国关系的发展经历了曲折式前进、螺旋式上升的过程。从影响中美关系发展的因素看,有国际格局的变化、两国社会的变化、国家领导人的作用和两国民间交流的力量这三个层次。未来中美关系向前发展的总趋势不会改变,但也不会一帆风顺。     

Darfur and Sino-U.S. Relations

The Darfur issue has been influencing the Sino-U.S. relationship since July 2004. There are at least three reasons to say so. Firstly, China and the U.S. disagree,both on the nature of the issue and on its solution. Secondly,China and the U.S. have conflicting interests, especially their oil interests in Sudan and the African continent.Finally, U.S. domestic political forces have forced the issue onto the agenda of Sino-U.S. relations. Although the issue has become an unharmonious factor in the Sino-U.S.relationship, it has not damaged the bilateral relations too much. Instead, the two countries have been cooperating on the issue.     

Young American China Watchers＇ Views on China

In this paper, the author has made a thorough study over the new generation of American China Watchers. Most of the pages are devoted to a detailed comparison between the old generation and the young generation of American China Watchers regarding to their background, education, and views over China. At the end of the paper, the author also gives some policy suggestions for both the Chinese and U.S. government based on the findings in this study.     

Technology Firms Shape Political Communication: The Work of Microsoft,Facebook, Twitter,and Google With Campaigns During the 2016 U.S. Presidential Cycle

This article offers the first analysis of the role that technology companies, specifically Facebook, Twitter, Microsoft, and Google, play in shaping the political communication of electoral campaigns in the United States. We offer an empirical analysis of the work technology firms do around electoral politics through interviews with staffers at these firms and digital and social media directors of 2016 U.S. presidential primary and general election campaigns, in addition to field observations at the 2016 Democratic National Convention. We find that technology firms are motivated to work in the political space for marketing, advertising revenue, and relationship-building in the service of lobbying efforts. To facilitate this, these firms have developed organizational structures and staffing patterns that accord with the partisan nature of American politics. Furthermore, Facebook, Twitter, and Google go beyond promoting their services and facilitating digital advertising buys, actively shaping campaign communication through their close collaboration with political staffers. We show how representatives at these firms serve as quasi-digital consultants to campaigns, shaping digital strategy, content, and execution. Given this, we argue that political communication scholars need to consider social media firms as more active agents in political processes than previously appreciated in the literature.     

Sino-U.S. Relations in the New Century

On September 21, 2005, the Deputy Secretary of the United States Robert B. Zoellick in his speech at the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations pointed out that, the United States agrees that China is taking a peacefully developing path and it＇s a successful way of opening and joining the economic globalization that ＂＇no other newly emerged power has ever taken.＂ Zoellick emphasized that the United States should ＂encourage China to be a responsible stakeholder in the international system. ＂ If both the United States and China take the strategic interest into consideration, Zoellick＇s speech will definitely have positive impact on the Sino- U.S. relations ＇future.