新加坡何以展开双边自由贸易谈判

近年来 ,新加坡与多个国家与地区展开了双边自由贸易协定的谈判 ,并已与新西兰和日本等正式签订了双边自由贸易协定。在经济全球化与区域化的进程中 ,新加坡的双边自由贸易协定谈判引起了周边国家与地区的关注。一、新加坡的双边自由贸易协定谈判新加坡的双边自由贸易协定的谈判始于 2 0世纪 90年代末。目前 ,新加坡已与新西兰、日本、欧洲自由贸易协会国家正式签订了双边自由贸易协定 ,并正与美国、澳大利亚、加拿大、墨西哥等国进行双边自由贸易协定的谈判。此外 ,还拟与欧盟、中国的香港、台湾讨论双边自由贸易协定。2 0 0 0年 11月 ,新…     

新加坡设计登记制度述评

2000年新加坡在英国的设计登记法基础上出台了自己的设计登记法。与英国的设计登记法相比 ,该法拓宽了可予登记的设计范围 ,同时减少了不同的知识产权法律对设计造成的双重保护 ,其根本目的是在新加坡建立一种简洁但充满时代气息的设计登记的法律保护制度 ,保障和促进新加坡的经济发展。     

日本贸易政策的转变--从否定到利用地区主义

进入新世纪以来 ,一直以多边为中心的日本外贸政策发生了重大变化 ,开始寻求通过双边或者地区自由贸易协定对多边主义进行补强 ,积极推动与新加坡签订了自由贸易协定。日本贸易政策的转变是有多方面的原因和背景的 ,并将对亚洲地区的贸易结构产生影响。     

论知识产权国际保护体制与中国应对之道

以《与贸易有关的知识产权协定》(简称Trips协定)为核心的现行知识产权国际体制具有积极的内涵与功能,但也存在诸多不足。近年来,知识产权纠纷已经成为中国与西方国家特别是与美国关系中的热点问题,并在一定程度上影响中国国际交往的正常进行。这固然在一定程度上同中国知识产权法律体制的不完善有关,也与现行知识产权国际保护体制存在的缺陷分不开。     

发展中的非洲区域知识产权保护体制

非洲较早地建立了法语区的非洲知识产权组织和英语区的非洲地区工业产权组织,形成了"一洲两制"的知识产权区域保护局面.随着非洲各国政治、经济一体化进程的不断加快,这两个组织已经不太适应时代的需求.建立一个统一的非洲区域性知识产权保护体制日益迫切.非洲联盟已经决定建立一个统一的非洲知识产权组织--泛非知识产权组织.它的建构应当重点注意以下几个问题,即正确处理它同世界贸易组织<与贸易有关的知识产权协定>的关系、重视传统资源的保护、实现知识产权与经济社会发展的整合.     

新加坡自由贸易协定简述:贸易规则与产业导向

世界贸易组织(WTO)贸易规则与自由贸易协定(FTA)贸易规则既体现自由化的趋势和要求,也体现着成员方的产业保护倾向。新加坡在缔结自由贸易协定方面比较活跃,其根据缔约对方的个体差异,选择市场准入、国民待遇条款的适用条件和范围,选择适用产业清单的模式,在缔约过程中坚持了自己的产业利益,同样也体现他方的利益要求。     

新加坡加速双边贸易自由化及其成效

新加坡的双边自由贸易协定的谈判始于20世纪90年代末。目前，新加坡已与新西兰、日本、欧洲自由贸易协会、澳大利亚、美国、约旦正式签订了双边自由贸易协定，并正与加拿大、墨西哥、印度、斯里兰卡、韩国等国进行双边自由贸易协定的谈判。     

中美双边投资保护协定谈判的演进与发展

双边投资保护协定是国家与国家之间为鼓励、促进和保护本国公民在对方境内的投资而签署的双边条约。在第四次战略经济对话中,中美正式宣布开启双边投资保护协定谈判。谈判中,双方关注的核心问题是主权财富基金和国民待遇问题。尽管谈判取得了积极进展,但这样的谈判却不是一蹴而就的。鉴于中美两国经济在世界经济中的重要地位,中美双边投资保护协定谈判不仅对中美两国的投资环境和贸易关系,而且将对世界经贸关系产生重大影响。     

中国人工智能治理的理论构想：基于新加坡数字经济协定的思考

数字经济时代,人工智能正在成为推动经济发展的新引擎。随着中美两国之间竞争和博弈的愈发激烈,在美国的科技封锁和制裁之下,中国当下的人工智能发展备受掣肘,人工智能治理理论亟须进行重构。新加坡是世界范围内数字经济协定的先行者之一,自2020年以来陆续和5个国家完成了4个数字经济协定的谈判。同时,新加坡还是全球人工智能治理领域的倡导者,通过对新加坡数字经济协定中人工智能规则的梳理和先进发展经验的总结,可以更好地为中国的人工智能治理提供借鉴与启示。新加坡数字经济协定中人工智能规则的共同目标可以概括为“搭建一个国际性的人工智能治理框架”,实现目标的方式是以《英国—新加坡数字经济协定》第8.61-R条为参照范本,充分发挥国际组织的力量,开展人工智能领域国际合作,促进人工智能技术“道德、可信、安全和负责任”地发展。对中国而言,今后应从国内和国际两个维度出发,建构具有中国特色的人工智能治理方案。在国内层面,正处于研究制定中的《人工智能法》可以考虑采用“促进型立法”模式,以更好地推动中国人工智能产业高质量发展;在国际层面,应继续推进加入《数字经济伙伴关系协定》的进程,同时积极申请加入“人工智能全球伙伴关系...     

新加坡的贸易政策：优先考虑和选择

本文分析新加坡为确保并扩展其政治与经济空间而从多边、双边和地区等多种途径来采取的自由化行动。本文评论新加坡在亚洲金融危机前和危机后的贸易政策趋势,着重论及新加坡在乌拉圭回合谈判的优先利益和关注,及其在推动谈判过程方面所起的作用。展望未来,本文讨论了多哈回合谈判的前景及其对新加坡的影响。世贸组织和多哈回合谈判仍然是新加坡国际贸易的优先考虑事项。本文还论及新加坡寻求自由贸易协定和互惠贸易协定(RTA)的潜在政治与战略理由,并研究新加坡在寻求更大自由化和开放市场方面所面临的未来挑战。本文认为,从战略上看,这种自由贸易协定增强和扩大了新加坡在全球的经济联系,而且还有助于使地区外部大国的经济利益扎根于东南亚。     

东盟FTA战略的新进展及影响

当前,东盟与中国、日本、韩国、澳大利亚、新西兰和印度成功达成自由贸易协定,标志着东盟的FTA战略已经取得了阶段性的进展。自此,东盟建成了包括所有周边主要国家在内的FTA/EPA网络,巩固了其在亚洲区域合作中的中心地位,话语权不断增强,在亚洲区域经济合作中发挥着重要的作用。东盟FTA战略的不断推进,对于东盟自身和中国都将产生重大影响。     

Free trade agreements and vertical-specialisation in East Asia

Regional integration in East Asia has been described as ‘market-led’ integration driven by the activities of multinational corporations creating vertical specialisation. This paper investigates the effect of free trade agreements (FTAs) on vertical specialisation-based trade by employing a gravity estimation for a sample of nine East Asian countries plus the US. We find that FTAs promote international trade based on vertical specialisation and enhances deep integration between countries. The FTA effect on vertical specialisation-based trade increases with pre-agreement vertical linkage level, that is, the deeper the real integration between countries the larger the FTA impact. The results of this paper also suggest that deeper economic integrations, such as currency unions, will enhance trade based on vertical production by reducing the risk of exchange rate volatility.

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Are Free Trade Areas Good for Multilateralism? Evidence from the European Free Trade Association

Do free trade agreements (FTAs) help or hinder multilateral trade liberalization? This question, though much debated, remains unanswered because (1) there has been scant attention to the conditions under which FTAs have either effect, and (2) extant hypotheses have not been rigorously tested. In this article I identify conditions under which FTAs help and hinder broader trade liberalization: they do the former when members' intra– and extra–FTA comparative advantages are similar and the latter when the opposite is true. I test these hypotheses using trade, output, and tariff data from the European Free Trade Association. The trade data indicate that members with similar intra– and extra–FTA comparative advantages liberalized trade more rapidly than those with dissimilar comparative advantages. The output and tariff data suggest that these differences among members reflect hypothesized economic and political processes. My research implies that scholars should abandon universalistic arguments concerning the effects of regional arrangements and devote more attention to the conditions governing the relationship between regionalism and multilateralism.     

Sharing benefits of globalisation through an EU-ASEAN FTA?

In the aftermath of the stalled launch of a new WTO round in Seattle in 1999, Singapore and Japan initiated a joint study into a possible bilateral Free Trade Agreement (FTA). The resulting New-Age Economic Partnership Agreement was signed in 2002, reduced barriers in trade and investment in goods as well as services, technical standards and public procurement. Other FTAs followed including a US-Singapore FTA in 2003. In response, other ASEAN countries initiated negotiations towards bilateral FTAs, such as Thailand with India and Malaysia with Japan etc. Moreover, China declared its intention to enter into a FTA with the ASEAN by 2012. The failure at Cancun in 2003 implies that the Doha Development Agenda will not be achieved within the time-frame set. In this environment, the question of a feasibility of an inter-regional EU-ASEAN FTA is investigated. ASEANs trade policy regime is opening up and the gains of further tariff elimination will be modest, because most ASEAN countries already apply low tariffs, while those of the EU on import from ASEAN are low as well – e.g. for Singapore the tariff rate is merely 1.04 per cent (trade weighted). Nevertheless, a further reduction will benefit both EU and ASEAN because a significant share of imports is intra-firm trade, with EU firms operating from ASEAN as a production platform for the EU markets. However, for an EU-ASEAN FTA to be worthwhile, it must generate benefits on issues relating to non-tariff barriers to trade, esp. technical standards, SPS and mutual recognition of testing. Further significant benefits to EU and ASEAN may be realised by advancing liberalisation of international trade in services (e.g. banking and insurance licences, air and sea transport). Reducing restrictions on foreign direct investment in selectedservice sectors is bound to enhance investment flows from the EU to ASEAN.This article draws extensively on a study directed by the author with Dr. Paul Brenton, Prof. Ludo Cuyvers and Prof. Patrick Messerlin (van der Geest et al. 2003). Research assistance by Ms. Vanessa Sumo and Ms. Roberta Zavoretti is gratefully acknowledged. The views expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not reflect the views of the European Institute for Asian Studies or of its sponsors. The author is solely responsible for any remaining errors or inaccuracies. All comments are welcomed at w.vandergeest@eias.org     

新贸易环境下中韩FTA促进战略评析

中韩建交20年来,双边经贸关系发展迅速。近年来,随着中韩贸易环境的变化,两国出于经济、政治、安全利益的需要,在进一步加强合作以缔结中韩FTA方面逐渐达成共识,继而推动中韩FTA步入实施阶段。中韩FTA生效后,将会给两国带来巨大的经济效应,预计对两国GDP增长、消费者福利增加、市场占有率提高等都会产生积极影响。中韩两国处在不同的产业发展阶段,在贸易自由化程度和范围方面存在着差异。在谈判过程中,两国还会存在不少争论焦点,对于具体实行效果也会存在一些担忧,有待两国本着合作互利的原则通过协商加以解决。     

Sequencing Negotiating Partners: Implications for the Two‐Level Game?

In the late 1990s, Japan and South Korea concluded their first bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) in completely opposite sequences despite similar domestic pressures. Japan concluded an "easier" FTA with Singapore first and then concluded a more "difficult" FTA with Mexico. South Korea concluded a more difficult FTA first with Chile and then moved on to negotiate with Singapore. In this article, I analyze these cases and review the literature on bargaining and two-level games to develop a model of how these differences in sequence account in part for the relative differences in each country's bargaining strength in their more difficult negotiations. The preexistence of the Singapore FTA eased domestic pressures to reap the benefits of entry into the bilateral FTA game. Thus, Japan could approach the more difficult FTA negotiation knowing that a "no-agreement" outcome would not fundamentally increase domestic pressure to get into the free trade "game." This alternative to no agreement put the Japanese in a stronger international bargaining position. South Korea negotiated its harder case knowing that the relative domestic pressure to get in the FTA game would increase without an agreement. This relatively worse bargaining position created a context in which South Korea conceded more internationally at the expense of higher side payments domestically.     

Environmental aspects in free trade agreements in the Asia-Pacific region

The trade and environment interface has become a topic of growing importance. Until the early 1990s, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organisation (WTO), were the major forums to address the relationship between trade and the environment. Significant progress in this area has not yet been made. Since the 1990s, environmental issues have been addressed by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and in recent times by trans-regional and bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) such as the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (SEP), the U.S.–Singapore FTA (USSFTA), the Canada–Chile FTA or the New Zealand–Thailand Closer Economic Partnership Agreement (CEP). Not only questions on the effectiveness of FTAs in global and regional environmental governance arise but also on the various actors involved in these negotiations. The question here is whether the integration of environmental issues in FTAs is a top-down approach, leaving the negotiations and implementation of environment cooperation frameworks in the hands of governments, or whether environmental arrangements are the result of a multi-stakeholder dialogue, consequently committing governments, the private sector and civil society to the objective of making trade and environmental policies mutually supportive. This article seeks to address these questions by analysing environmental issues and stakeholder participation in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the Trans-Pacific SEP and the New Zealand–Thailand CEP.

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东北亚地区建立自由贸易区(FTA)的现状与趋势

2000年以来,东北亚有关国家建立双边自由贸易协定(FTA)的步伐明显加快,但在东北亚地区内部,除日本和韩国外其他国家之间近期内建立FTA的可能性很低,特别是对中日、中韩经济贸易关系非常紧密的国家之间建立FTA的可能性较小,缺乏政治互信是导致该地区内部FTA发展缓慢的主要原因。     

论日韩FTA进程中的主要问题及其解决路径

进入21世纪,亚太地区掀起了双边FTA热潮。目前,日韩FTA协定已进入了双边谈判的关键阶段。日韩FTA不仅将对两国产生重要影响,而且对整个东亚及亚太区域各国造成了不可忽视的影响。由于日韩两国与我国有极其密切的贸易和投资关系,需要对之加以认真对待。因此,对日韩FTA协定的有关问题进行深入研究,对我国制定相关的战略对策具有重要的现实意义。     

东亚国家跨区域双边FTA的多样化动机分析

从东亚国家双边FTA伙伴选择的范围来看,伙伴国不属于本地区的的情况在大大增加。以中国、日本、韩国、新加坡和东盟为例,展现东亚各国区域FTA和跨区域FTA并行发展的现实。跨区域FTA政策动机包括经济动机、安全和外交动机和平衡动机,而每一种动机又有自己的具体内涵。跨区域FTA的发动已经内化为东亚经济一体化的一个组成部分,对东亚区域经济一体化格局和进程带来实质性的影响。为最大化我国的综合利益,应尽早明确中国的跨区域FTA战略。