Maternal mortality in Mexico: measurement based on vital statistics

"Vital statistics are the most comprehensive source of information on maternal mortality in Mexico.... It is clear that maternal mortality has decreased throughout the twentieth century and will continue to do so. There are signs of a higher underestimation of mortality [due to] abortion. And there are regional differentials of maternal mortality.... Professional and/or institutional attention during childbirth has a great impact on maternal mortality decline. There are also socio-economic differentials by marital status, milieu, and schooling...." (EXCERPT)     

A covariance structure model for the analysis of spatial differences in Mexican mortality

"This article examines some of the possible determinants of spatial mortality differentials in Mexico, on the basis of [a] path analytical model with latent variables." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

The decline in mortality in Mexico from 1940 to 1980

Mortality trends in Mexico from 1940 to 1980 are analyzed using both published sources and original data. An examination of regional differentials in infant mortality is included. The results indicate that mortality has not declined significantly in the least developed parts of the country since 1960. The analysis of changes in causes of death over time shows an increase in deaths from accidents, violent causes, cardiovascular disease, and cancer. (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Organization of family labor and fertility in rural Mexico

The relationship between the organization of a family's work force and fertility in rural Mexico is assessed. The data are from the 1981 Rural Family Planning Survey, which covered approximately 8,000 households. Four groups are examined separately: farmers, agricultural wage earners, self-employed, and nonagricultural wage earners. Consideration is given both to fertility differentials among these groups and to differences in levels of contraceptive practice. (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Trends in mortality differentials and life expectancy for male social security-covered workers, by socioeconomic status

This article presents an analysis of trends in mortality differentials and life expectancy by average relative earnings for male Social Security-covered workers aged 60 or older. Because average relative earnings are measured at the peak of the earnings distribution (ages 45-55), it is assumed that they act as a rough proxy for socioeconomic status. The historical literature reviewed in this analysis generally indicates that mortality differentials by socioeconomic status have not been constant over time. For this study, time trends are examined by observing how mortality differentials by average relative earnings have been changing over 29 years of successive birth cohorts that encompass roughly the first third of the 20th century. Deaths for these birth cohorts are observed at ages 60-89 from 1972 through 2001, encompassing roughly the last third of the 20th century. The large size and long span of death observations allow for disaggregation by age and year-of-birth groups in the estimation of mortality differentials by socioeconomic status. This study finds a difference in both the level and the rate of change in mortality improvement over time by socioeconomic status for male Social Security-covered workers. Average relative earnings (measured as the relative average positive earnings of an individual between ages 45 and 55) are used as a proxy for adult socioeconomic status. In general, for birth cohorts spanning the years 1912-1941 (or deaths spanning the years 1972-2001 at ages 60-89), the top half of the average relative earnings distribution has experienced faster mortality improvement than has the bottom half. Specifically, male Social Security-covered workers born in 1941 who had average relative earnings in the top half of the earnings distribution and who lived to age 60 would be expected to live 5.8 more years than their counterparts in the bottom half. In contrast, among male Social Security-covered workers born in 1912 who survived to age 60, those in the top half of the earnings distribution would be expected to live only 1.2 years more than those in the bottom half. The life expectancy estimates in this article represent one possible outcome under one set of assumptions. These projections should not be regarded as an accurate depiction of the future. Specifically, this study adopts a simple projection method in which differentials are assumed to follow the pattern observed over the last 30 years of the 20th century for the first 30 years of the 21st century. This assumption lacks theoretical underpinnings because the causes of the widening differentials observed over the past 30 years have not been determined. On the one hand, if the trend of widening mortality differentials by year of birth observed over the past 30 years does not continue, the projection method used in this analysis could lead to an overestimation of future differences in life expectancy between socioeconomic groups. On the other hand, if mortality differentials do not narrow by age as observed in the past, the projection method used could lead to an underestimation of the differences in life expectancy between socioeconomic groups aged 60 or older.     

A comparative analysis of mortality in the Americas

"The analysis concentrates on the mortality of [the] adult population at ages 15 to 74 in 8 countries of the American continent.... Results are presented by age, sex and principal groups of causes of death. It is concluded that: a) mortality can significantly decline further in the Americas; b) there are noticeable mortality differentials by cause among countries; [and] c) all the countries still have excess mortality in certain age groups and causes of death, and hence, the mortality transition has not ended." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

The evolution of mortality in Mexico, 1940-1980

The author analyzes mortality trends in Mexico in the twentieth century, particularly since 1940. Trends are examined according to age, sex, and cause of death. The decline in mortality is then considered in the context of the country's history and other mortality transitions. Regional variations and excess mortality are also described. (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Demographic information in crisis: one point of view

This work argues that doubts concerning the reliability of demographic information in Mexico from censuses and other sources should prompt a search for ways of improving existing data rather than developing new data sources and measurement techniques. The example of labor force data is used to illustrate the achievements of past data collection efforts and to suggest a framework for reconciling statistics from diverse sources and exploiting existing sources more fully. From a practical perspective, it would be difficult to identify a nontraditional source of information, statistical procedure, or conceptual framework for collection of labor force and other demographic data that has not been tried somewhere, at some time. Economists and other social scientists who have analyzed the adequacy of existing data sources have pointed to the financial implications of extensive alterations in them and have suggested new questions to be added to censuses and surveys to fill gaps in information. Studies based on census data have been particularly effective in furthering understanding of the supply of labor in Mexico and the factors affecting behavior of the economically active population. Economic surveys have contributed to analysis of employment in the different sectors and the characteristics of workers in different types of establishments and activities. Surveys, both specialized and multipurpose, have also contributed to knowledge of employment and the labor market, especially in urban areas and in aspects related to migration. To classify the different potential sources of labor force data, 2 tables are presented. The 1st lists continuous, periodic, and sporadic sources of data produced in the public, social, and private sectors. The listing of different data sources suggests the rich potential for combining findings from different sources, e.g., correlating deaths occurring in a certain time period to working age adults with information derived from the census to assess socioeconomic mortality differentials. The 2nd table presents a classification of processes of creation, survival, and extinction of the labor force from the perspective of the individual, domestic unit, and institution. High priority should be given to establishment of an interinstitutional group that would study the congruence of the 3 major sources of demographic information: censuses, vital statistics, and surveys.     

Infant and child mortality in Mexico,estimated using the 1980 and 1990 censuses and projections to 2000

Using indirect methods based on information about live births and surviving children, the author reviews estimates of infant and child mortality in Mexico. Data are from the 1980 and 1990 censuses.     

Unwanted fertility in Mexico

Data from the 1987 National Health and Fertility Survey were used to explore trends and differentials in unwanted fertility in Mexico. Women were classified in three educational categories: illiterate or incomplete primary, complete primary or some secondary, and complete secondary or more. The four urbanization categories were: under 2500; 2500 to 19,999; 20,000 and more; and metropolitan areas. The place of primary socialization was the place of residence until age 12. Two categories of employment of household head were included, agricultural or nonagricultural. The categories for mother's employment considered employment until the union and employment between the time of union and the birth of the first child. The proportion of births that were unwanted was estimated by calculating the total fertility rate for the year before the survey and comparing it to desired family size. The "total desired family size" was 2.4 for the entire sample. In other words, nearly 37% of the total fertility rate was undesired. The greatest differentials in percentages of undesired fertility were found in educational categories. 40.7% of the total fertility rate in the least educated groups vs. 13.6% in the most educated groups was undesired. Differentials in the other categories ranged from 1.9 for a history of employment before the birth of the first child to 8.8 for agricultural or nonagricultural employment of the household head. When effects of education were controlled, the percentage of undesired fertility declined as educational level increased for all rural or urban residence categories, places of socialization, and employment groups except women who worked before the first child was born. Women with more education, urban residence, and with histories of employment had the lowest levels of undesired fertility.     

Differential mortality in women of reproductive age

"This paper begins by reviewing some conceptual frameworks for the study of female mortality and indicates some of its application problems. Next it presents results of mortality of women in reproductive-age classified by age, causes of death, and socio-demographic traits (marital status, schooling, and occupation) for ten states [in Mexico] differentiated according to level of development and well-being. The data suggests differences according to age, marital status, and schooling. Finally, testing of the mutual independence and partial independence hypotheses indicates that age, marital status, and schooling correlate to the degree of development of each state." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Legalization and dissolution of consensual unions: an example of log-linear models used to estimate models of competing risk

"This is a mainly methodological work: a generalization of the so-called proportional risk models to cases of multiple and competing risks.... Proportional risk models are an extension of the methodology implied in calculating mortality tables, where the risk function is made to depend on some variables (covariables), as in a regression model.... Life-table methodology has been...an essential instrument in demographic calculus and analysis." The author uses the proposed methods to analyze the determinants of the legalization and dissolution of consensual unions in Mexico. (EXCERPT)     

Mortality by cause among children younger than age one in Mexico

"This article presents the levels and trends of deaths among children [in Mexico] under the age of one, by groups of causes, for some states, for the years 1979-1985. Identifying the causes of death according to the international classification of diseases, both for deaths among children under the age of one and for total deaths, the goal is to establish a comparison of the levels of general and infant mortality by groups of causes. The data are taken from the statistical yearbooks of the Head Office for Statistics, for the years 1979 to 1985." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Quality of Life,Transportation Costs,and Federal Housing Assistance: Leveling the Playing Field

Abstract

Federal housing subsidies are allocated without regard to spatial differences in the cost of living or quality of life. In this article, we calculate housing subsidy payments for participants in the Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) program and demonstrate that these subsidies are significantly related to metropolitan quality-of-life differentials. We then estimate amenity-adjusted subsidies and compare these estimates with data from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development’s Location Affordability Portal. Our analysis yields three insights regarding the relationship between federal housing assistance payments (HAP), metropolitan quality-of-life differentials, and transportation cost burdens. First, HCV HAP show a strong inverse correlation with household transportation expenditures, and this is particularly pronounced for low-income households. Thus, HAP do not address location affordability because those living in high-transportation cost metropolitan areas receive the lowest housing subsidies. Second, we present evidence that HAP are positively related to metropolitan quality-of-life differentials. This suggests that high-amenity metropolitan areas also tend to be the most affordable from a transportation cost perspective. Third, our proposed amenity-adjusted HAP strongly reduce the inverse relationship between HAP and transportation cost burdens.     

Which Bonds Are More Expensive? The Cost Differentials by Debt Issue Purpose and the Method of Sale: An Empirical Analysis

In this paper, we survey the cost differentials by debt issue purpose and the method of underwriting. We find that cost differentials are a function of the purpose for which the debt was issued, with bond purposes traditionally considered riskier facing higher borrowing costs. However, this effect is not uniform and varies by credit quality portfolios. Moreover, the method of bond sale is an important factor for true interest costs. Overall, the competitive method of sale consistently performs better than the negotiated method of sale in all regression models, even after correcting for self‐selection.     

The geographic scope of migration in Mexico City

"This paper reports some results of analyzing migratory dynamics in the Metropolitan Area of Mexico City, which ever since the 1970-1980 decade have affected other regions of the country, mainly the State of Mexico. The analysis describes different types and modes of migratory movement: metropolitan (from Mexico City), inter-county (within each state), and interstate (between Mexico City and other states). Data was provided by the XI Population and Household Census of 1990." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

The metropolitan character of urbanization in Mexico, 1900-1988

The author analyzes trends in urbanization in Mexico during the twentieth century, with a focus on the impact of rapid industrialization since 1982. Sections are included on the interrelations among economic development, industrialization, and urbanization; stages, levels, and measures of urbanization; the development of the city system in Mexico; and stages in the growth of Mexico City. (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Metropolitan areas in Mexico, 1980

Urban trends in Mexico from 1960 to 1980 are analyzed using multivariate analysis techniques. The authors note that the total number of metropolitan regions has increased from 12 to 26 during this period. Differences between the stage in urbanization reached by the Mexico City region and other urban centers in the country are noted. In Mexico City, the authors observe a decline in the population of the central city region coupled with rapid growth in the surrounding municipalities. (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

The control of urban growth in Mexico City. Suppositions regarding poor planning

It is argued that mechanisms for planning land use and controlling urban expansion in Mexico City have failed to achieve their aims. Although in theory Mexico's urban planning process has recently attempted to go beyond purely physical aspects to include socioeconomic dimensions, it has in fact been inflexible and oriented to exclusively to technical and administrative aspects, to the detriment of social distribution goals. Planning instruments have not included important aspects such as specific mechanisms for altering employment structures or income levels or mechanisms for providing access to land or housing to the most disadvantaged groups. The urban planning process in Mexico City, instead of assuming a socially compensatory role in favor of disadvantaged groups, has maintained the status quo or discriminated in favor of the already advantaged. The spatial and technical orientation or urban planning in Mexico City does not leave room for a well-defined social policy. The population of the Mexico City metropolitan Zone increased from 3 million in 1950 to 18 million in 1985, while its total area increased from 11,750 hectares in 1940 to 125,000 in 1985. Transfer of population from the Federal District to the conurban municipios of the state of Mexico has been very significant since the 1970s. Around 20% of the total area of metropolitan Mexico City has been settled through illegal means, with communal and ejido lands accounting for a large share. Settlements on some 60% of lands in metroplitan Mexico City were illegal or irregular at some time. Low income housing is the cheapest form for the government because the frequently illegal status of settlers prevents them from making any demands for services or equipment for the 1st several years. Construction is undertaken and financed almost entirely by the settlers themselves, freeing the government of responsibility in regard to the constitutionally mandated right of all Mexicans to housing. The Urban Development Plan of the state of Mexico published in 1986 proposed 2 important programs for controlling urban growth. The territorial reserves program aimed to anticipate the need and make available through purchase, expropriation, or other means sufficient lands for housing to which the lowest income groups would share access. The "Paint Your Line" program establiished physical limits for urban expansion in each of the 17 conurban municipios in the State of Mexico. To date, however, few lands have been set aside for legal acquisition and the Paint Your Line program has been slow in delimiting the areas to be settled. Data from a 1989 study in the municipios of Chalco and Ixtapaluca demonstrate the shortcomings of the programs, which do not address the true processes and agents that control new settlements and especially illegal occupations and which fail to satisfy the needs of low-income population sectors.     

Spaces for community involvement: Processes of disciplining and appropriation

Over the past two decades, Mexican society, economics and culture have undergone a dramatic set of transformations. Accordingly, certain historical narratives that underpinned Mexican national identity formation throughout the 20th century have begun to unravel. As a result of this process, some scholars posit that a ‘post-national’ political culture is emerging in Mexico. This paper seeks to examine these trends through a critical examination of the narratives around national identity found in interviews conducted in Mexico in 2000. As a theoretical frame, this paper begins by examining the concept of post-nationalism. It then turns to an overview of 20th-century national formation in Mexico to provide a contextual basis for the interpreting the interview excerpts. The resulting analysis demonstrates the co-presence of national and post-national narratives in Mexico, both of which display hegemonic and subaltern dimensions. The particular discursive contours of these narratives have roots, this paper argues, in the contemporary intersection of state authoritarianism and neo-liberal globalisation.