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1.
Official apologies and truth commissions are increasingly utilized as mechanisms to address human rights abuses. Both are
intended to transform inter-group relations by marking an end point to a history of wrongdoing and providing the means for
political and social relations to move beyond that history. However, state-dominated reconciliation mechanisms are inherently
problematic for indigenous communities. In this paper, we examine the use of apologies, and truth and reconciliation commissions
in four countries with significant indigenous populations: Canada, Australia, Peru, and Guatemala. In each case, the reconciliation
mechanism differentiated the goal of reconciliation from an indigenous self-determination agenda. The resulting state-centered
strategies ultimately failed to hold states fully accountable for past wrongs and, because of this, failed to transform inter-group
relations.
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Cindy Holder (Corresponding author)Email: |
2.
This article seeks to shed new light on the study of decentralized natural resource governance by applying institutional theories
of polycentricity—the relationships among multiple authorities with overlapping jurisdictions. The emphasis on multi-level
dynamics has not penetrated empirical studies of environmental policy reforms in non-industrial countries. On the contrary,
many of today’s decentralization proponents seem to be infatuated with the local sphere, expecting that local actors are always
able and willing to govern their natural resources effectively. Existing studies in this area often focus exclusively on characteristics
and performance of local institutions. While we certainly do not deny the importance of local institutions, we argue that
institutional arrangements operating at other governance scales—such as national government agencies, international organizations,
NGOs at multiple scales, and private associations—also often have critical roles to play in natural resource governance regimes,
including self-organized regimes.
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Elinor OstromEmail: |
3.
Daniel Chirot 《Society》2008,45(5):425-428
The next president of the USA will surely correct some of the Bush administration’s most egregious policy errors, particularly
its gross insensitivity to the rest of the world’s opinions and its extreme bellicosity. To restore trust in American, and
to strengthen national security, better diplomacy will be necessary. Strengthening a demoralized and nearly dysfunctional
State Department by acknowledging the vital role foreign area experts must play will have to be a major part of the new administration’s
policy.
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Daniel ChirotEmail: |
4.
Brian D. Mc Kenzie 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):25-45
Few studies consider how Putnam’s bridging and bonding social capital arguments apply to voluntary associations within American
minority group communities. Consequently, I examine African-American civic groups to explore Putnam’s claims about the potential
negative political effects of bonding social capital. In contrast to the bonding social capital thesis, I argue that black
communal associations encourage African-Americans to be involved in a variety of mainstream civic and political activities
that reach beyond their own group interests. Using the 1993–1994 National Black Politics Study I demonstrate that although
black organizations are predominantly composed of African-Americans and work to advance their interests, these goals are not
pursued at the expense of connecting blacks to others in the general polity.
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Brian D. Mc KenzieEmail: |
5.
Robert Carle 《Society》2007,44(6):147-154
Nowhere is the fear, guilt, and pain of Germany’s dreadful past more evident that in contemporary debates over immigration
policy. This debate has pit successive Christian Democratic Union politicians, who define Germany in ethno-nationalist terms,
against the German left, which seeks to replace the volkish national tradition with a post-national multicultural identity.
Ethno-nationalists and multicultural post-nationalists speak powerful, but mutually exclusive, moral languages that galvanize
large segments of the German public. At the national level, extremists rarely succeed in Germany’s immigration debates, and
the legislation that prevails represents a chaotic mix of liberal and nationalist policies.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
6.
Robert Carle 《Society》2008,45(2):181-190
In the 1980s, Britain’s Labour Party promoted a system of race-relations that envisioned Britain as a collection of discrete
cultures with equal status. This multicultural model for organizing society conflicted with traditional British notions of
a unified national culture, with an assimilationist model of immigrant incorporation. Today, the Labour Party’s relationship
with Islamists is sharply dividing Labour’s “rainbow” constituency. Whereas the horrific events of 9/11 and 7/7 have led many
Labour leaders to replace its defense of multiculturalism with Tory-sounding calls for immigrant assimilation, other Labour
leaders are working harder than ever to accommodate their Muslim constituents.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
7.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
相似文献
Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
8.
This paper presents recent events including the Danish cartoon crisis occasion—a re-examination of John Stuart Mill’s argument
for freedom of expression. Despite the appeal of liberalism, Mill’s philosophy had from the start been subject to intense
criticism. The rise of political Islam opens a new phase in the debate; the difficulties pointed out by Mill’s critics are
indicative of the obstacles that liberalism still faces.
相似文献
Thomas E. SchneiderEmail: |
9.
In Spring 2007 as part of its ongoing anticorruption efforts, the PRC announced the establishment of a new organization called
the “National Corruption Prevention Bureau” (NCPB). The article first examines the origins of the NCPB and its position in
the current Chinese anticorruption regime. The NCPB will concentrate primarily on information collection and coordination
work. Given these goals, This article examines the organization’s potential for improving work in three areas related to information
collection and coordination; increased oversight of the private sector, improving information quality and dissemination, and
strengthening routine anticorruption activities. The final section examines potential problems that will likely limit the
ability of this new organization to improve anticorruption work, such as the possibility of increasing complexity within the
anticorruption system, and the NCPB’s limited independence from the agencies it seeks to coordinate.
相似文献
Jeffrey BeckerEmail: |
10.
Peter Augustine Lawler 《Society》2009,46(3):227-231
Callahan is wrong to be pro-death, but he’s right to say that to live well—or for society to have a real future—we have to
care about more than mere life. Futile attempts to stop the pursuit of extreme personal prolongevity are contrary to our rights-based
way of life. It’s also contrary to human love and dignity to regard the old as a threat.
相似文献
Peter Augustine LawlerEmail: |
11.
Joanna R. Quinn 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):55-71
Getting to peace is not a straightforward process. In Uganda, internal conflict has raged for more than 20 years between the
Government and the Lord’s Resistance Army. The construction of a comprehensive negotiated settlement is at the mercy of conflicting
ideologies and influences at the international, national and grassroots levels. This paper examines the Juba peace talks,
the major actors in the negotiation process, and tension between prosecution and amnesty.
相似文献
Joanna R. QuinnEmail: |
12.
George Crowder 《Society》2008,45(3):247-252
I agree with Roger Sandall’s opposition to the ‘culture cult’ in broad outline, but wish to register three reservations. First,
he is too sweeping in apparently attacking the whole of ‘multiculturalism’, and unfair in condemning claims on the basis of
the motives allegedly behind them. Second, his relativist interpretation of Berlin and Herder needs qualification, since their
work also contains the idea of value pluralism, which should be distinguished from relativism. Third, the political implications
of pluralism support a commitment to liberal universalism and liberal multiculturalism, which may not be far removed from
Sandall’s own position.
相似文献
George CrowderEmail: |
13.
Audrey Boctor 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):99-118
This paper argues that Rwanda’s decision to abolish the death penalty should be viewed in a wider context rather than as a
mere result of top–down pressure from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Part I traces the creation of
the ICTR and the breakdown of negotiations as a result of the exclusion of the death penalty from the ICTR’s jurisdiction.
It then outlines Rwanda’s efforts to prosecute the hundreds of thousands of individuals accused of committing genocide-related
crimes and notes the limited and steadily decreasing role the death penalty actually played within Rwanda. Part II discusses
Rwanda’s legislation abolishing the death penalty and argues that both international pressure and local historical and political
forces influenced the decision. Part III situates Rwanda’s story within a growing paradox of excluding the death penalty from
international criminal tribunals for the most serious crimes while national jurisdictions maintain it. It concludes that as
in Rwanda, any perceived or potential impact of international criminal law in national jurisdictions must be measured in light
of local circumstances.
相似文献
Audrey BoctorEmail: |
14.
James Kurth 《Society》2007,44(6):120-125
America and Europe have had very different religious experiences, and these differences have continuing consequences. In America,
the preponderance of Reform Protestantism gave rise to religious and political pluralism, a religious marketplace, and the
continuing vitality of the churches. In Europe, the dominance of state churches gave rise to the eventual rejection of these
churches and religions when the traditional political and social authorities were rejected, particularly by the Generation
of 1968. However, Europe’s extreme secularization has rendered it confused and ineffective in dealing with the new religious
challenge posed by Muslim immigrant communities.
相似文献
James KurthEmail: |
15.
Frank Furedi 《Society》2009,46(3):235-236
This essay questions Callahan’s criticism of people’s aspiration to extend their life. It argues that ideas about life are
subject to historical variations and the question at issue is whether society can give meaning to aging. It also questions
the claim that the radical extension of human life will jeopardize the welfare of future generations. It suggests that the
application of the precautionary principle to the question of aging avoid facing up to question how society should value the
old.
相似文献
Frank FurediEmail: |
16.
Steven J. Gold 《Society》2009,46(5):408-411
David Stoll suggests that because contemporary immigrants are non-European, uneducated, poor, and uninterested in joining
the moral community of American society, their presence threatens national unity, obscures citizens’ obligations to one another
and will shortly change the US into a minority–majority society. Drawing from historical accounts and statistical evidence,
this article asserts that immigrants provide American society with social, economic and demographic benefits. Moreover, while
pundits have long predicted that immigrants with national origins distinct from those of natives will transform American life
to its detriment, the record reveals the US has been able to incorporate diverse nationalities to the benefit of immigrants
and the native-born alike.
相似文献
Steven J. GoldEmail: |
17.
Marc Bühlmann Wolfgang Merkel Lisa Müller Bernhard Weßels 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):114-122
Ohne Zusammenfassung
* Die vier Autor(inn)en arbeiten in einem gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des NCCR Democracy (vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds
finanziertes National Centre of Competence in Research: Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century) und des WZB an einem „Demokratiebarometer“ für die 30 OECD-Staaten, das die Ignoranz der 0-Varianz bei Polity und Freedom House aufkl?ren will.
相似文献
Marc Bühlmann (Corresponding author)Email: |
Wolfgang MerkelEmail: |
Lisa MüllerEmail: |
Bernhard We?elsEmail: |
18.
Dean MacCannell 《Society》2008,45(4):334-337
Critics of the concept fail to note that staged authenticity is not authenticity but its opposite or negation. This error is illustrated referencing Ed Bruner’s reading of The Tourist in his recent book Culture on Tour.
相似文献
Dean MacCannellEmail: |
19.
Karl Popper’s equation of the closed society with tribalism is reviewed and modified. The German origins of the anthropological
concept of culture and its related ideas of the folk culture and cultural relativism are explored. The vicissitudes of the
idea of The Folk and its swing from Right to Left are related to contemporary neo-primitivism. The open society and high culture
are defended.
相似文献
Robin FoxEmail: |
20.
Peter Skerry 《Society》2008,45(1):46-52
The situations of nineteenth century dock workers and today’s immigrant day laborers bear striking similarities and challenges,
especially for those seeking to organize them into labor unions. The obstacles confronting such organizing efforts also underscore
the legitimate concerns many Americans have about the threats to social order posed by immigrants today.
相似文献
Peter SkerryEmail: |