准街头管理者的结构与功能——以城管部门协管员为例

既往街头官僚研究忽略了协管员、临时工这一准街头官僚群体,掩盖了街头官僚之下的权威结构及其运作机制。准街头官僚是官僚体制的有机组成部分,发挥着劳动代理者、风险缓和者和非正式治理者等功能。从城管协管员的来源与构成看,绝大多数准街头官僚都是普通市民,故而,我们不应因少数不良分子而全盘否定其素养和功能。在街头行政对协管员存在刚性需求的情况下,贸然大批解雇协管员恐会引发不可预计的行政与社会后果,行政体制改革在此宜慎行。     

试论领导者授权

所谓授权，就是指领导者根据工作的需要，授予直接被领导者一定的权力与责任，使其在一定的范围内和监督之下，有相当的决策权和行动权。在现代领导活动中，适当地授权，不论对于领导者和下属还是整个领导活动，都是非常必要的。一、领导者授权的作用１－适当地授权，有利于领导者腾出时间和精力顾大局、抓大事。每个领导者的精力、阅历、知识水平和工作能力都是有限的，不必也不能对所管的工作都事必躬亲。如果事无巨细、统揽一身，必然造成下级事事请示汇报，那就会忙了一个人，闲了一片人，并由此导致事倍功半。领导者适当地授权，可以减…     

社区治理创新：“七进”工作法

（一）干部进社区。派驻1名熟悉基层工作、经验丰富的街道干部到社区；采取公开考核招聘办法，向社会选拔5名优秀人才到社区工作；选派1名部门干部进社区；遴选1名大学生村（社区）干部进社区；面向社会公开选拔4名公益性岗位人员作为社区协管员，增强社区服务能力。     

探索城市交管新模式

在深入学习济南交警“严格执法、热情服务”的基础上，各地不断推陈出新，摸索出许多交通管理新思路，其中，尤以南京、杭州、沈阳、上海、济南等地的交管工作最为突出。公安部部长助理杨焕宁日前在接受记者采访时说，中国交管工作正在向一个更高的目标攀登——“通过运用交通工程理论，最大限度地实现对整个城市交通资源的综合利用，并力求上升到科学和理性的高度。” 全局调配 交通资源是基础 一个城市道路交通的运行效率主要由三个方面的因素决定：交通资源综合状况、交通管理水平的高低、以及全体交通参与者的状况，其中，道路交通资源…     

城市轨道交通立体化治安防控体系探索——以青岛市公安局地铁分局安保建设为例

城市轨道交通是为人民群众基本出行提供普遍服务的重要基础设施,也是具有显著公益特征的民生工程。做好城市轨道交通的安保工作,对维护人民生命财产安全、深入推进平安中国建设意义非凡。青岛市公安局地铁分局把构建立体化治安防控体系作为安保工作目标,从搭建安保指挥、应急处突、勤务运行和保障建设"四大体系"出发,不断充实完善治安防控体系的基本框架和实现路径,切实提升平安地铁建设水平。     

领导干部网络在线访谈的规律浅探

在线访谈因网络平台的特性而使参加者面临巨大的压力和挑战,但其作为网络政治中议政和施政的平台,具有不可替代的作用。在线访谈有其自身的规律性,总结其规律,准备好议题的答案,利用一定的技巧,把握好角色的转换,可以使在线访谈取得良好的效果。     

关于援疆问题的调研报告

一、调研情况2011年10月9日至19日,课题组一行三人赴新疆进行专题调研。调研活动在乌鲁木齐市和喀什地区进行,采取了座谈会、单独访谈、实地考察、问卷调查等方式。调研主要围绕三个内容进行:新疆的民族工作、民族关系和民族问题;新疆的宗教工作、宗教关系和宗教问题;新一轮对口援疆带来的机遇与挑战。参加座谈会和接受访谈的领导及专     

新课改背景下高师生专业知识素养的调查研究

长期以来,教育界对于高师生专业知识素养的分类有不同的见解,笔者在参考各种文献的基础上,认真分析所谓的高师生专业知识素养印是将作为教师从事专业教育教学工作所必须具备曲基本知识及素养,可具体为教师所具有特定的学科知识素养、教育学心理学知识素养和研究知识素养.文章以新课程改革为背景,从宿迁学院师范生的角度,主要通过问卷和访谈来调查专业知识素养,笔者依据调查结果进行了适当的分析,并且在最后试图为培养合格的高师生提出相应的对策.     

徐汇区建交委学习实践科学发展观展宏图

建交委自2009年3月至8月，紧扣创建“一流的中心城区，领先的发展水平”的实践载体，开展深入学习实践科学发展观活动，推动了城区建设和管理各项工作的发展，为促进科学发展上水平，交通建设展宏图打下了扎实的基础。     

第一届城轨警务创新发展暨城轨安全与执法专业人才培养工作研讨会综述

城市轨道交通缓解地面交通拥堵、方便公众出行、带动区域经济发展的功能十分突出。但是,维护城市轨道交通安全面临的风险隐患也多、安全保卫压力大,这对城市轨道交通警务工作提出了更高要求。当前,城市轨道交通公安机关普遍存在专业警力不足、警务理念与工作体制机制有待进一步创新改造等方面的问题,论坛汇集了各方的工作经验和智慧成果,提出了大量的建设性意见。在我国公安高等教育体系中,城市轨道交通警务人才培养刚刚起步,搭建警务交流平台促进公安院校人才培养,将城市轨道交通公安机关实战需求与公安院校人才培养有机结合,对于城市轨道交通安保工作具有十分重要的意义。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。