国外医疗保障制度城乡统筹发展的经验及其对我国的启示

纵观国外医疗保障制度发展之路,不同医疗保障模式在城乡一体化的医疗保障制度构建过程中各具特色。国外三种典型医疗保障模式城乡统筹发展之路和经验,对促进我国医疗保障制度城乡统筹的重要启示是:必须分阶段、有步骤地推动城乡医保制度整合;要进一步明确与强化政府责任;探索城乡医疗保障制度与公共卫生制度紧密结合、相互促进的机制;构建城乡一体化医疗救助制度,并实现与城乡基本医疗保险制度的无缝衔接。     

浅析我国城乡医疗保障一体化建设

随着经济的快速增长,物质需求的不断提升,我国居民对社会公共服务的供给也提出了更高的要求,建立城乡一体化的医疗保障体系已成为必然趋势,从我国目前医疗保险的现状分析,提出一些政策建议如下:深化户籍制度改革;适当提高医疗保障的统筹层次;整合医疗保障管理机构,实现统一管理;建立城乡统一的医疗保障信息网络管理系统。     

“城乡一体化”发展的政策取向与路径选择

推进城乡一体化的基本路径是实现城乡的全面互动和对接,在宏观层面主要以城乡政策调整为基本着眼点,以构建和完善城乡统一的户籍、财税、教育、医疗和社会保障体系;在微观层面主要是城乡工业、农业和服务业之间的全面互动和对接,形成以城带乡、以工哺农、以工促农的发展新格局,实现工农互补、城乡双赢、和谐发展和协调发展的局面。当前,全国各地都在积极探索城乡一体化发展的路径,以下几种形式都是城乡一体化发展的基本路径,各地应根据自己的优势和特点,实事求是地进行选择。     

城乡融合视野下的城乡一体化

从城乡融合的视野把握和推进城乡一体化,关乎城乡一体化的路径选择及其实践成效。在城乡融合视野下推进城乡一体化,要明确实现城乡融合是城乡一体化的目标,发展是实现城乡融合的第一要务,破除城乡二元结构是实现城乡融合的关键,城乡统筹是实现城乡融合的基本方法,制度创新是实现城乡融合的重要保障。     

城乡基本养老保险并轨的可行路径与难点——基于广东中山的实证分析

如何建立城乡一体化养老保险制度一直是学界研究的难点。广东中山在实践中依托乡村集体率先实现城乡基本养老保险并轨,为我国城乡一体化养老保险制度构建开辟了一条示范路径。本文基于养老保险可持续发展理论,运用精算学和制度经济学的分析方法分别从财政可持续和政府行为两个角度对中山的实践进行实证分析,得出该模式实现可持续发展的关键在于以乡村集体为组织的农村居民集体行动推动了以农村股份合作制为核心的各项制度改革,上述制度改革不仅创造了大量外部利润,而且奠定了政府、乡村集体和农民利益共享的分配格局。中山模式推广的难点在于如何培育乡村集体经济,使其成为实现农村居民集体行动的主体。本文的创新之处在于立足中山的实践,从可持续发展的角度探讨城乡基本养老保险制度并轨的可行路径,并指出培育乡村集体经济是实现我国城乡基本养老保险并轨的关键。     

城乡养老社会保险制度一体化障碍性因素分析

体制性因素、经济性因素、人口性因素、公民权体系缺乏、农民利益表达权缺位以及技术性因素等是中国城乡养老社会保险制度一体化的阻碍性因素,实现城乡养老社会保险制度一体化必须加快构建农村养老社会保险体系,加大政府财政转移支付的力度,加快农村剩余劳动力的转移和养老社会保险技术建设。     

对张掖市城乡发展一体化的几点思考

城乡发展一体化是解决三农问题的根本途径。党的十八届三中全会明确提出了"健全城乡发展一体化体制机制"及具体的改革措施。结合张掖市农村发展现状,就加快城乡一体化发展提出建议如下:大力创新农业经营体系,积极构建城乡一体增收支柱;大力创新新农村建设模式,积极搭建城乡一体发展平台;大力创新农村产权实现形式,积极盘活城乡一体资源配置。     

推进“省直管县”体制改革 协调城乡一体化发展——基于我国县域城镇化困境的分析

在我国城镇化快速推进的大背景下,城乡差距不断加大,市管县体制已经难以实现以城带乡、城乡协调发展的目标。从实践的结果看,只有那些工业化程度高、市辖县数量较少的地区实现了市县协调发展。大部分地区并没有实现城市支持农村的目标。因此,加快推进"省直管县"改革,建立适应城乡一体化要求的行政体制,打破城乡二元结构,加快建立协调城乡一体化发展的体制机制,既是实施"省直管县"改革的出发点,也是推进县域城镇化的重要目标。     

农民工医疗保障的现状与对策研究——基于对H市建筑行业农民工的调查

文章主要运用社会学和社会保障的相关理论从参加医疗保障和实际享受医疗保障两方面考察了农民工医疗保障的现状，重点分析了影响农民工实际享受医疗保障的主要因素，并从推进社会保障城乡一体化的角度对农民工医疗保障改革与发展提出了相关的对策与建议。     

着力推进大哈尔滨建设

推进城乡统筹,建设大哈尔滨,是实施新战略、实现新跨越必须完成的一项重大任务。哈尔滨市第十三次党代会《报告》首次提出了"建设大哈尔滨"的概念,指出:"全面建设小康社会,哈尔滨必须加快实现城乡统筹发展的历史性跨越。要以推进城镇化为突破,完善大哈尔滨战略规划,加快形成城乡一体化新格局。"市委十三届二次全会再次强     

"消灭哲学"与实现哲学——读《<黑格尔法哲学批判>导言》

在马克思的早期文献中，“哲学”一词如果不加区别的理解就会得出马克思对哲学存在非连续性和二重化的态度的结论。通过对相关文本群和《〈黑格尔法哲学批判〉导言》的研究发现马克思在使用“哲学”一词上存在双重涵义，即思辨哲学与革命哲学。那么，以此为基础进行解读，马克思的“消灭哲学”命题指的是，消灭黑格尔思辨哲学；实现哲学指的是把哲学理论与革命群众相结合、哲学革命与无产阶级革命相结合。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.