试论未成年人法律适用中的冲突与解决

我国未成年人法律适用存在多方面的冲突，表现在：法律与法律之间的冲突（包括法律与司法解释等适用依据间的冲突）、法律与司法实践的冲突。由于未成年人法律适用中的冲突与我国未成年人法律体系的不完善，具体法律规定操作性不强等因素具有很大的关系，所以要解决未成年人法律适用中的问题，应当构建完善的未成年人法律体系，在具体的法律制度设计中注重其可操作性等。     

Self-employment in Estonia: Forced move or voluntary engagement?

This article examines the importance of ‘pull’ and ‘push’ factors in self-employment drawing upon the experience of post-socialist Estonia, where self-employment has risen sharply from a negligible level since 1989. Drawing on quantitative data, and also qualitative data, the article identifies a range of different types of self-employment in Estonia and explores the reasons for their different levels of success.     

Of Wild and Cultivated Politics: Conflict and Democracy in Argentina

This is a study of cultural change within democratization. It uses conflict theory to understand the culture of conflict escalation and management, taking Argentina as its example. Beginning with the most extreme dictatorships, The Dirty War and the Rosas period, and then looking at other periods of governance, the essay illustrates that Argentina has an authoritarian culture of conflict. The essay suggests why these patterns have developed in Argentina. It asks whether it is possible to change such cultural patterns and whether the current democratizing effort includes efforts at change. It concludes that the democratization efforts since 1983 have included attempts to change culture, as well as electoral and institutional movement toward democracy.     

俄罗斯车臣冲突中的法律战研究

狭义的法律战是指发生武装冲突时,特定主体为获取和维护其利益而进行的法律交锋.俄罗斯车臣冲突中,俄罗斯为维护其国家和民族利益,灵活运用国际法,与其交战方围绕统一与独立、人权和人道保护,以及打击恐怖主义等问题进行了多层面的法律斗争.总结其法律战的经验教训,具有积极的现实意义.     

Religion, Dialogue, and Non-Violent Actions in Palestinian-Israeli Conflict

This article examines the potential constructive role that religious peace builders can play in contributing to Palestinian-Israeli reconciliation and peace. An interfaith setting is a space in which believers from various faith groups come together to explore not only their similarities and differences, but also how they can promote peace in the harsh reality of violence. In such encounters, there is a wide range of interfaith dialogue activities and possibilities that can be deployed. Based on applied training and interfaith dialogue workshops and experiences, this article proposes a framework for conducting interfaith dialogue among Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Palestine and Israel.     

War Crimes in the Armed Conflict in Pakistan

Research on the characteristics of suicide bombers is reviewed. Contrary to previous commentary, it is suggested that suicide bombers may share personality traits (such as the "authoritarian personality") that psychological profiles of suicide bombers might be feasible, and that the suicide bombers may be characterized by the risk factors that increase the probability of suicide.‐     

文化冲突中的青少年亚文化群特征和成因探析

青少年从越轨行为的产生到步入违法犯罪的深渊,其中的过程既包括个人生理与心理的转变,也包括其所接触的周围社会环境的变化。“近朱者赤,近墨者黑”,大量的案发事实表明,身处亚文化群中的青少年是非常危险的,而当前我国的青少年亚文化群又确实开始显现泛滥之势,这对社会的稳定与和谐构成了极大的威胁。如何认识与控制青少年亚文化群,如何从源头上减少青少年越轨行为,进而大幅度降低犯罪率,是青少年犯罪研究的重要课题。     

Economic Development,Poorly Managed Political Conflict and Terrorism in India

Terrorism is frequently argued to be the product of poverty and poor levels of economic development in countries. Examining the distribution of terrorist attacks and casualties due to terrorism across the states of India, this article demonstrates that the phenomenon of terrorism is not a clear product of poor economic development but rather exacerbated by unresolved and poorly managed political conflict. Poorer states in India are not necessarily more prone to terrorism, but states that have outstanding and poorly addressed political disputes do experience a disproportionately high level of terrorist activity. This study examines six sources of political conflict that contribute to terrorism in India—separatist movements, ethnic conflict, communal conflict, the presence of scheduled castes and tribes, high population growth, and the phenomenon of stateless areas—and makes several observations on the successes and failures of Indian counterterrorism policy.     

试析中国在苏丹西部达尔富尔地区冲突中的立场

本研究主要关注从2003年到2008年12月中国对苏丹西部达尔富尔地区冲突的立场。苏丹国内和国际上都有人指责中国与苏丹政府之间存在着特殊关系,向苏丹政府提供了无条件的支持。中国也被指责阻碍了旨在推动苏丹政府和平解决达尔富尔冲突、停止该地区蔓延的暴力活动的国际决议。这在很大程度上困扰了中国外交,使中国外交投入了宝贵的精力和时间,来为自己的立场辩护,并在国际舆论面前改善自己的形象。实际上,这是对中国在达尔富尔冲突中立场的误读,忽视了中国立场的转变和为冲突解决所发挥的积极作用。     

When civil engagement is part of the problem: Flawed anti-corruptionism in Russia and Ukraine

In developing countries, the fight against corruption entails purges of political and business elites and the restructuring of electoral, financial, and social provision systems, all of which are costly for the incumbents and, therefore, unlikely without sustained pressure from civil society. In the absence of empirical analyses, scholars and practitioners have, therefore, assumes that civil society plays an unequivocally positive role in anti-corruptionism. In this article, we challenge this dominant assumption. Instead, we show that, under certain conditions, an engaged non-governmental community may, in fact, undermine the fight against corruption. Using the data from forty interviews with anti-corruption practitioners in Ukraine and Russia, as well as primary documentary sources, we present two models of anti-corruptionism whereby active civil engagement produces suboptimal outcomes. One is faux collaboration, defined as a façade of cooperation between the state and civil society, which hides the reality of one-sided reforms. The other model is that of non-collaborative co-presence, whereby the governance role is shared by the government and non-governmental activists without compromise-based solutions. In both cases, civil engagement helps perpetuate abuses of power and subvert such long-term goals of anti-corruption reforms as democratization and effective governance.     

Who Fought the Algerian War? Political Identity and Conflict in French-Ruled Algeria

Why did settlers, natives, and metropolitan agents fight each other as “French” and “Algerian” during the famously brutal Algerian War of the 1950s? While scholars identify key factors in launching and escalating the war, they take for granted that it was fought between “the French” and “the Algerians” when evidence shows that those terms were also a source of struggle among the parties involved in the war. Drawing on insights from the fields of colonial studies and collective action, along with archival sources, the article explains why this particular set of terms framed the war, in other words, why the categories “French” and “Algerian” predominated in the political discourse, and why they were so opposed to each other. It contends that punctuated political conflicts among state authorities and social-movement organizations in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, rather than indigenous cultural or social structural factors, played a key role in constructing this identity framework. The article concludes by challenging our basic definitions of the war and the prevailing theories about its course and outcomes.