俄罗斯的政治现代化

苏联解体后，俄罗斯的转型实际上涉及原社会主义国家如何走向现代化、民主化以及如何融入当代世界等具有普遍意义的问题。“全面现代化”战略的提出与实施体现了俄罗斯对于这些问题的理论思考和有益探索。“全面现代化”与以往俄罗斯的发展战略相比，其本质区别不在于经济现代化，而在于政治现代化。政治现代化意味着打破现有的政治垄断，实现政治上的多元竞争。这样做可能破坏现有稳定，但不实行政治现代化又很难解决阻碍俄罗斯现代化进程中的腐败、官僚主义等问题，因此在俄罗斯执政集团内部存在不同意见。这种分歧已经对俄罗斯的政治生态产生了重要影响。俄罗斯政治现代化问题从本质上体现的是俄罗斯如何实现传统与现代的融合，如何实现民主化与国情的结合。     

从政治参与视角看俄罗斯转型历程

2021年是俄罗斯社会转型30周年,从时间长度和内容充实度来讲,都足以提供回顾和反思的素材.从政治参与角度来看,可以相对清晰地探寻到俄罗斯社会运行的一条重要脉络,即处理政治参与问题几乎是影响其政治稳定与社会发展的决定性因素.解决不好有效政治参与的时期,社会矛盾和发展困境同频共振;相对较好提供了有效政治参与环境的时期,全社会得到普惠,政治稳定,经济发展.从叶利钦时期的动荡到普京1.0时代的中兴,再到普京2.0时代的回落,从政治参与这个主线可以看到,如何处理好对参与需求的有效吸纳,如何设计安排好参与需求的次序与秩序,一直都是关乎当局掌握和提高国家治理效能的关键.从俄罗斯转型30年的历程和经验来看,处置好有效的政治参与不仅可以实现政权树立合法性的目的 ,同时更是政权需要赖以提高治理能力的核心手段.     

论俄罗斯经济危机的政治因素

在现实社会生活中,经济发展与政治稳定的相互关系是极为复杂的.在从计划经济向市场经济转轨这场制度变迁中,如何处理好经济发展与政治稳定的关系,显得尤其重要.政治稳定包含着国家主权稳定、政权稳定、政府稳定和政策稳定等因素.其中任何一个层面出现不稳定,都会导致政治生活的不稳定,从而影响社会经济的发展.而俄罗斯自20世纪90年代初开始就处于全面的政治不稳定之中,从国家主权到政权,从政府到政策,都处于混乱和无序状态,这对俄罗斯的经济转轨和经济发展都是极为不利的.政治不稳定既加大了经济转轨的难度,也使经济危机难以摆脱.20世纪最后10年的俄罗斯历史证明,持续的政治不稳定是俄罗斯长时间不能摆脱经济危机的重要原因之一.普京执政后采取的一系列维护政治稳定的措施,不仅提高了普京个人的政治威望,也为俄罗斯摆脱经济危机创造了有利的政治环境.     

当代俄罗斯公民参政的历程与特点

现代政治的发展目标是提高公民的政治参与水平，实现公民广泛加入与政府间的互动与合作，以推进本国民主政治和现代化的进程。苏联解体以来，俄罗斯公民的政治参与随着俄现代化和民主化的推进得到逐步扩展和深化，虽然目前仍处在较低的水平，且具有明显的政府主导的特征，但其基础较厚，发展空间看好。     

普京的政治思维与实践

普京执政初期提出一整套反映其政治思维的强国战略。这套强国战略在后来的实践中遇到了阻力,普京根据实践需要对其思维进行了一定的调整。概括普京的政治思维有6个基本点:(1)强国是根本出发点,振兴经济是一切工作的中心;(2)坚持走自己的“市场和民主”发展道路;(3)在经济发展方式上遵循渐进、稳定和不使人民生活水平下降的原则;(4)建立“强有力的国家政权体系”以削弱挑战政权的力量,结束政治纷争;(5)突出以总统权力为核心的执行权力,建立“有行为能力的国家”;(6)遵循外交为内政服务和外交务实原则。普京的政治思维与实践基本上符合俄罗斯的国情,这从另一个侧面说明,俄罗斯尚不具备建立成熟民主制的条件。     

中东国家抗争政治的特点分析

抗争政治提供了民主转型的一个视角。根据查尔斯·蒂利的抗争政治理论,2010年底以来中东国家政局动荡中,体制外有一定认同感的集体行动者为抗争主体;客体为政府及其决策者;抗争目的是表达追求自由、民主、民生等公共诉求;具有对抗性、偶然性和创新性特点;并以媒体等信息技术的间接劝说为主。虽然抗争政治对于改变人们的政治认同、培育积极的公民意识以及构建公民社会等方面,有一定的推动作用,但抗争政治与民主化并不具有必然的因果联系。受制于民主与权威之间的矛盾与斗争,中东国家要选择符合现实国情的民主道路可谓任重而道远。     

公民文化的构建与俄罗斯政治发展

自俄罗斯启动民主化改革以来，其政治发展进程受到了学界的普遍关注。公民文化的构建对于俄罗斯政治制度的完善及传统政治文化的现代化都将发挥重要作用。但是，俄罗斯目前带有权威主义色彩的政治现状，无疑对其构建公民文化提出了挑战。     

当代菲律宾家族政治与女性权力政治参与的关系

当代菲律宾女性权力参与程度很高,而且有自己的特色,即不仅女议员、女总统、女部长比例较高,而且政治家的妻女也拥有较大权力,其女性权力参与可分为正式权力参与和非正式权力参与,两者都有合法的渠道和机制。菲律宾女性权力参与又与家族政治密切相关,在缺乏民主的威权时期,女性更多是以非正式的方式参与权力政治,主要起辅助、补充、配合的角色。在民主转型时代,民主选举加上家族政治,大大促进了政治家族的女性参与正式权力领域。但是,家族政治本身就是与民主政治相对立的,实际上,家族政治是菲律宾政治发展的一个毒瘤,阻碍了菲律宾民主政治的成熟,也降低了普通公民,尤其是普通妇女群体参与权力政治的可能性,最终阻碍了女性政治参与的进一步提升。     

俄罗斯的新政治战略

金融危机促使俄罗斯社会深刻反思发展道路的选择。新政治战略,集中体现了俄罗斯政治最高领导层对发展现阶段所面临主要问题的理论思考,对俄罗斯如何从传统社会走向现代国家的战略思维。新政治战略的出现符合俄罗斯政治发展的基本逻辑。新政治战略具有鲜明的梅德韦杰夫特色。从本质上看,新政治战略是要解决两个基本问题:俄罗斯的政治体制如何变革以及俄罗斯的复兴需要什么样的发展道路。尽管新政治战略的全面执行需要更好的政治契机,但它毕竟已经呈现在了俄罗斯的政治舞台上。出现即表明需要,这说明俄罗斯的精英与民众依然在探索俄罗斯的政治体制变革与发展之道。新政治战略出台也引出了俄罗斯政治中若干需要深入思考的基本问题。俄罗斯的新政治战略任重而道远。     

论转型时期俄罗斯公民社会：兴起、现状与展望

苏联解体后俄罗斯进入转型时期。转型时期所有制结构的多元化、民主政治制度的发展、社会思潮的多元化,成为俄罗斯公民社会兴起的经济、政治和文化因素。其中存在的问题主要有：非政府组织作用有限、中产阶级不成熟、公民政治参与意识淡漠。推进俄罗斯公民社会的对策有：大力培育中产阶级、培育公民文化、发挥非政府组织的作用、积极转变政府职能、发展市场经济同时重视解决社会问题。俄罗斯公民社会仍处于发展的初级阶段,对其培育是一个长期的渐进过程。     

试论泰国政治发展的经验

政治发展是指政治系统的正向变迁过程,目的是社会价值的公正、公平的分配。在这个过程中,政治的诸要素得以改变以适应这个目标的实现。泰国正处在一个政治发展的新阶段,其社会政治力量在分化组合,政治文化也在转型,政治体制的调整日益到位。泰国的政治发展虽有着自己独特的历程,但其经验也值得发展中国家借鉴。这些经验包括:政治发展必须以合法性为阶段性目标;政治稳定至关重要;军队地位的适当与否,影响政治发展;政治发展应该有相应的政治文化支撑;国家整合是政治发展的必要前提等。     

The Mass Media as Sentinel: Why Bad News About Issues is Good News for Participation

This article argues that negative news coverage of politically relevant social issues stimulates political participation by shaping citizen awareness of collective problems and interest in politics. By drawing citizen attention to social problems that government may attend to, the press acts as a sentinel for the mass public, cuing them to periods when participation is more important. Drawing on an analysis of the 1974 National Election Study in combination with the Center for Political Studies' content analysis of newspapers, I find evidence that bad news about issues is good news for participation.     

Exposure to Political Discussion in College is Associated With Higher Rates of Political Participation Over Time

While individuals who are exposed to political discussion are more politically active, analytical biases make it difficult to show evidence of causation. It is also uncertain how long the relationship between discussion and participation lasts. Here both questions are addressed with panel data collected from individuals who were randomly assigned to their college dormitories. The data show that exposure to political discussion in college leads to higher levels of participation, immediately while still in college and years into the future after graduation. As political behavior is habitual, the initial increase in participation after being exposed to political discussion is a mechanism underlying the long-run relationship between discussion and participation.     

Political decentralization and the strengthening of consensual,participatory local democracy in the Republic of Macedonia

This article examines whether decentralization in the Republic of Macedonia has contributed to widening effective political participation and strengthening democracy at the local level between 2005 and 2012. It begins by demonstrating the debate regarding political decentralization and its ability to mitigate ethnic conflict by facilitating the effective participation of national minorities in local institutions. An assessment of the largely consociational power-sharing mechanisms envisaged locally then determines whether decentralization has contributed to: improving the political representation of diverse groups in local decision-making processes; deepening local democracy by providing opportunities for residents to participate in local governance; and enhancing the transparency, accountability, and responsiveness of municipal governments. The opportunities Macedonian citizens have for participating directly in local decision-making processes are also evaluated. This article argues that whilst political decentralization has expanded the potential space available for citizens to participate in local governance, it has not guaranteed the participation of local communities, or that their participation is both equitable and effective. Advocates of decentralization have failed to sufficiently appreciate the extent to which the over-dominance of some political parties, which lack internal democracy, along with the pervasiveness of patronage-based politics, may undermine the reform's potential benefits.     

俄罗斯社会转型中市民社会发展的困境

进入21世纪以来,俄罗斯的经济持续高速增长,新一轮的政治转型和社会转型随着俄罗斯的经济崛起而开展起来.在俄罗斯国内初步发展起来的市民社会,正是俄罗斯市场经济发展的印证.因此,研究俄罗斯市民社会的发展和未来,分析制约俄罗斯市民社会发展的各种历史和现实因素,对于理顺俄罗斯社会转型中影响其现代化的各种因素,预测俄罗斯未来的发展走向有着重要的意义.     

Schools of democracy: how trade union membership impacts political participation in Africa’s emerging democracies

Trade unions in Africa have become increasingly vocal in calling attention to the widening socio-economic inequalities that have accompanied global market integration across the continent. This article argues that, in their quest to challenge neoliberal policies, labour movements have contributed to processes of democratization in Africa by acting as instruments of political socialization for their members. Using survey data from respondents in 18 African countries, this article demonstrates an empirical relationship between trade union membership and political participation. The article finds that membership in a labour organization increases one’s propensity to participate in a range of political activities. Specifically, labour movements encourage participation by forging “participatory spillover effects”, which mobilize unionists across different arenas of the political landscape. Finally, the article finds that the effect of union membership on political participation is stronger in countries where unions maintain independence from ruling parties. This research contributes to literature on political participation across Africa and furthers our understanding of the role of labour movements in bottom-up processes of democratization on the continent.     

What Drives Political Participation? Motivations and Mobilization in a Digital Age

This article provides insights into the driving forces that underpin new forms of political participation. Digital technologies offer opportunities for engaging in a wide range of civically oriented activities, each of which can contribute to deeper democratic engagement. Conventional acts of political participation are argued to be driven primarily by intrinsic motivations relating to self-efficacy and empowerment, with participants feeling they can have influence over decision makers. Little research explores whether similar motivations drive participation in less conventional acts, as well as whether mobilization attempts via social media by peers or political organizations mediate those motivations. Drawing on data from a survey among a representative sample of the U.K. electorate, we find the offline and online spheres of agency remain fairly distinct. Intrinsic and extrinsic motivations both matter but extrinsic motivations have the strongest explanatory power independent of the sphere of activity. The mediating effect of mobilization tactics has a minimal effect on extrinsic motivations, online or offline, but online intrinsic motivations lose their explanatory power. As intrinsic factors offer little explanatory power, some forms of online political participation may lack meaning to the individual. Rather, these non-conventional acts result from reward seeking and are more likely to be encouraged by nongovernmental campaigning organizations, suggesting social media users are most likely to perform simple acts in support of non-contentious causes.     

东盟诸国执政当局的政治合法性分析

政治合法性不仅是政治发展的重要指标,而且在某种程度上是政治发展的目标。近年来,东盟各国的政治合法性程度的变化呈现出明显的特点,即随着民主转型进程的加快,民主化程度较高的国家,其政治合法性程度一般也较高,如泰国、马来西亚、印尼、菲律宾等。当然,这里也有例外,如新加坡、文莱等则并非如此。因为政治合法性评价有一系列复杂的指标,包括合道德性、合利益性、合法律性等内容。它们共同构建了东盟诸国执政当局的政治合法性。     

Popular understanding of democracy in contemporary China

By taking the official state ideology into consideration, this article seeks to contribute to the study of public opinion of democracy under non-democratic regimes by analysing both qualitative and quantitative evidence collected in China. An examination of the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s discourse on democracy reveals that the CCP endorses popular sovereignty and political participation while denying political contestation. Meanwhile, the concept of democracy can have three distinctive meanings among ordinary Chinese: democracy as freedom, democracy as political participation to ensure government accountability, and democracy as good socio-economic performance. Survey data show that the majority of informed Chinese respondents treat democracy as political participation to ensure government accountability, which indicates that Chinese understanding of democracy has reached to a certain degree of consensus that is closer to universally-shared idea of democracy rather than being culturally distinctive.     

新普京时代的开启——2011年俄罗斯政治形势综述

2011年俄罗斯政治形势总体保持稳定。梅德韦杰夫和普京的政治竞争和政治妥协促成"梅普组合"走向"普梅组合"。第六届国家杜马选举的结果表明全面现代化战略对俄罗斯政治生态产生了重要影响。俄罗斯当前依然处于民主化的初期阶段,它所实行的权威主义的政治体制被大多数俄罗斯民众所认可,这表明俄罗斯政局的稳定是可以预期的。但当前政治体制缺乏现代化改革的动力,必将严重制约俄罗斯现代化的有序进行。俄罗斯发展战略不会有大的变化,但俄罗斯的内外政策将面临调整。