The Twilight of Westminster? Electoral Reform and its Consequences

The UK political system has long exemplified 'majoritarian' or 'Westminster' government, a type subsequently exported to many Commonwealth countries. The primary advantage of this system, proponents since Bagehot have argued, lie in its ability to combine accountability with effective governance. Yet under the Blair administration, this system has undergone a series of major constitutional reforms, perhaps producing the twilight of the pure Westminster model. After conceptualizing the process of constitutional reform, this paper discusses two important claims made by those who favor retaining the current electoral system for Westminster, namely that single-member districts promote strong voter-member linkages and generate greater satisfaction with the political system. Evidence testing these claims is examined from comparative data covering 19 nations, drawing on the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. The study finds that member-voter linkages are stronger in single member than in pure multimember districts, but that combined districts such as MMP preserve these virtues. Concerning claims of greater public satisfaction under majoritarian systems, the study establishes some support for this contention, although the evidence remains limited. The conclusion considers the implications of the findings for debates about electoral reform and for the future of the Westminster political system.     

Resistant to Change? The European Commission and Expert Group Reform

This article examines how the European Commission has responded to external criticism and demands for the democratisation and reform of the way it uses expert groups in EU policy making. The article analyses the nature and character of the Commission’s dialogue with its critics and the degree and extent to which it was prepared to adapt its existing internal processes and procedures to the reform agenda. Recent theories inform us that organisations respond in different ways to external criticism and demands for reform, including full adaptation, evasion, institutional decoupling and reinterpretation. The main findings suggest that the Commission was not completely resistant to changing its approach to the use of expertise. The Commission reinterpreted its critics’ demands by introducing reforms that defused this external pressure, while protecting the effectiveness of its existing internal ideology and processes. These findings serve to enhance the Commission’s image as an increasingly normalised bureaucracy and reinforce the importance of knowledge and expertise as a key source of Commission legitimacy.     

The logic of China country ＂tax-for-fee reform＂ in politics and governance perspective

This article exercises theoretical analysis tax-for-fee reform in politics and governance perspective method and attempts to understand the logic of country in China. The article considers that it presents two kinds of very differences phenomena in politics and governance angle of view on China country ＂tax-for-fee reform＂. The reform has basically improved state-peasant tension relationship and enhanced political validity in political angle of view. But absenting on method and shrinking on resources of governance, town-village organization reduced supplies on public service and public goods, new governance crisis formed. If politics and governance deviate for a long time, political validity has the possibility to glide away because of new governance crisis.     

Empowering the ＂Jewish threat＂： The protocols of the elders of Zion

The Protocols of the Elders of Zion is the most influential fake in contemporary history. The persuasive power of the protocols comes from the combination of a particular series of stereotypes from secular anti-Semitism, enhanced with contents outlining the ＂conspiracy＂. To understand the success of the protocols, it is necessary to examine the content of the group images and stereotypes conveyed by the text. The text has been content analyzed using psychological theories and methods. Specifically, the protocols is investigated within the framework of the stereotype content model （SCM; Fiske, Cuddy, Glick ＆ XU, 2002） and the theory of group images （Alexander, Brewer ＆ Herrmann, 1999）. We expected to find an envious stereotype content of the Jewish group, which results from their being perceived as low in warmth but high in competence. Moreover, we expected that such a representation fit the image of the ＂enemy＂. Results are in line with our predictions.     

The Second Time as Tragedy? Welfare Reform under Thatcher and the Coalition

The welfare reforms of the Coalition government are marked by the legacy of Thatcherism. Social security reforms in the 1980s reshaped the system towards reliance on means‐tested benefits. Negative policy feedback created by the opacity and perverse effects of means‐testing has made these benefits an easy target for the Coalition, at least so far as working age people are concerned. Different policy feedbacks affect policy towards old age pensions. The government is locked into promoting private pensions, and is extending this commitment with automatic enrolment. To make private pensions pay, it has to reverse the slide to means‐testing. The implication is that the pronounced bias against the working poor and in favour of older people in Coalition policy is not simply a matter of electoral preferences: rather, it reflects the political effects of previous policy decisions.     

Conclusion: The Future of Belgian Federalism—Between Reform and Swansong?

This article summarizes the main arguments of the special issue. It also probes into the deficiencies of the Belgian federal system and argues that the most recent crisis of Belgian federalism (2007–11) is not the result of rising socio-economic differences between Flanders and Wallonia, but the consequence of building a bipolar federation on to a split party system. The article concludes by identifying some potential roadmaps (federal reform, confederalism, and the referendum) for the future.     

The Worst of All Worlds? Electoral Reform and Britain's 2009 European Elections

At the 2009 European elections, Britain again elected its MEPs under the 'closed list' system of proportional representation (PR)—the third time it had done so since 1999. This article looks at claims that these elections vindicated PR by producing a 'fairer' relationship between the parties' share of votes and their share of seats, a truer reflection of diverse political allegiance in modern Britain, and (thanks to multi-member constituencies) a more efficient and sensitive system for representing voters. However, the article will also inspect the idea that the case for electoral reform was gravely weakened by the 2009 Euro elections. It will recall how PR again failed to boost turnout, again employed a method of counting that most voters did not understand, and again involved constituencies too large for meaningful representation. Furthermore, it will recall that PR allowed the election of two MEPs from the far-right British National Party. (With just 6% of votes, it is unlikely that the BNP would have secured seats under Britain's traditional electoral system.) The article will argue that, as a result, PR has had a centrifugal effect on the British party system and, potentially, a polarising effect on our political culture. Consequently, the article will assert that, owing to the success of the BNP in 2009, arguments about PR for Westminster have been 'ideologically neutralised'. The article will thus suggest that we can now take a more objective view of hung Parliaments and coalitions (the likely effects of PR at general elections), free from the assumption that they entrench centrist governments and progressive politics.     

The Promises and Pitfalls of Prime Provider Models in Service Delivery: The Next Phase of Reform in Australia?

At a time of fiscal restraint and reductions in the size of the public sector, governments in Australia are exploring new approaches to delivering public services. One model receiving attention is the prime provider approach. This is an approach where government contracts a lead or prime provider who in turn organizes and manages a group of sub‐contractors. In prime provider approaches, non‐government organizations take on a quasi‐government role and this brings a new complexity into the relationships between the various actors involved in developing and delivering public services. This article provides an overview of prime provider approaches and, drawing on the limited research to date, poses questions that we view as being critical to the current debate. The aim is to provoke further discussion on the potential impact of prime provider approaches.     

The Public’s Anger: White Racial Attitudes and Opinions Toward Health Care Reform

Pundits and politicians debated whether race was implicated in the rancorous public forums and demonstrations over health care reform. Research suggests that for many white Americans, racial predispositions play a greater role in their opinions on health care than non-racial predispositions. Building on this work, I examine the extent to which anger uniquely activates white racial attitudes and increases their effect on preferences for health care reform. My theory suggests this effect occurs because anger and thoughts about race are tightly linked in memory. Using a nationally representative experiment over two waves, I induced several emotions to elicit anger, fear, enthusiasm, or relaxation. The results show that anger uniquely pushes racial conservatives to be more opposing of health care reform while it triggers more support among racial liberals. On the other hand, anger does not enhance the effect of race-neutral principles on health care reform.     

我的＂文革＂经历与＂红卫兵＂

“文革”那年，我15岁，正在北京师大一附中读初中二年级。     

＂贵族＂之我见

“会所”是近年内地出现的新现象与新名称，其特征在于它的私密性，区别于只要有钞票就可进的高档宾馆酒楼．是权贵小圈子显示身份与地位的聚会场所。2011年，闹得沸沸扬扬的北京故宫十重门事件（瞒报古籍善本丢失、压碎哥窑瓷盘、展品失窃、锦旗错字等十宗重大事故）之一，就有将院内建福宫改建为富豪私人会所。     

吴建民：＂中国梦＂决不是＂称霸梦＂

外交故事：及时澄清中国军方人士“核战论” 2003年我结束在法国的工作回到国内．当时听到一种说法．说是中国正处在第三次百家争鸣的时期．开始我并不大明白．后来看到网上的各种言论，才发现真是在一种争鸣的状况下。当时跟中国的外交学界接触时有两件事情让我印象深刻。第一件事：有一家报纸，     

领导干部何以＂长智＂

智，古人视为君子之道，所谓“智者不惑”是也。什么是领导干部之智？运筹帷幄、决胜千里是为智，开拓创新、锐意进取是为智，知人善任、人尽其才是为智，抵御风险、化解矛盾是为智。智，凸显出领导干部的胆识谋略，反映出其能力本领，体现出其气度涵养。无疑，每一个人皆希望成为智者，那么对领导干部而言，何以“长智”？     

谈谈当＂好＂领导干部，要勇于说＂不＂

目前，部分领导干部对上级唯唯诺诺，对自己不惯自省，对下级一味说好，不愿意直面矛盾，造成了和谐社会不和谐的一禺。可见好的领导干部在实际工作、生活中，不仅要能坚持原则，明辩是非，正确把握住自己的立场行为方向，敢于面对自己和团队的失误、错误，勇于说“不”。     

＂磊落小人＂元稹

在唐代，元稹和白居易齐名，以至于“元白”的称号一直流传至今。     

＂豆腐总理＂张景惠

与张作霖结盟开始平步青云 与张作霖相识，应该算是张景惠发迹的起点。     

＂爱满天下＂陶行知

在20世纪的中国，能有幸与两千年前的孔圣人相提并论的人物屈指可数。鲁迅是一位．被毛泽东称之为“现代中国的圣人。”陶行知是另一位，亦被尊为“万世师表”（宋庆龄语）、“当今一圣人”（董必武语）。