Pares Inter Pares? The Bargaining Success of the Commission,the Council,and the Parliament in European Union Legislative Negotiations

This research note tries to determine how politically successful the Council, the Commission, and the European Parliament are in the area of EU legislative decision‐making. After reviewing the literature, a research design is presented which incorporates information on the policy preferences of the different institutional actors for 70 recent EU legislative decisions that were negotiated under the consultation and the codecision procedure. We use correlation and OLS regression to analyze the distances between what the EU institutional actors want and what they eventually get out of the process. The findings of the analysis are that (1) the preference profiles of the three actors are rather dissimilar, and that (2) the success rates of the Council are higher than the rates of the Commission and Parliament.     

Les barrières à la mise en œuvre des politiques d’adaptation au changement climatique: le cas de la Suisse

Abstract: The implementation of climate change adaptation polices has barely occurred in developed countries. This paper examines to what extent the perceptions of political actors might hinder the development of adaptation policies. We study the Swiss case using computer aided textual analysis. Our results demonstrate that adaptation is still not perceived as an important dimension of climate change policy. Decision makers do not perceive links between adaptation, the Swiss economy and the energy supply. Adaptation is mainly considered an issue for developing countries and not as a way to reduce the impacts of climate change in Switzerland. Right‐wing parties tend to consider adaptation a secondary issue and are more likely than those to the left to object to the formulation or the implementation of public measures.     

Vetospieler und die Durchsetzbarkeit von Side‐Payments

Once an agreement is signed at the international level, it can no longer be modified during the domestic decision‐making process. However, it is possible to compensate potential veto players by a purely domestic legislative act. Under which circumstances do such side‐payments make sense, and what is the role played by political strategies? In order to be compensated, an actor needs to be considered a veto player. Furthermore, the defenders of the international agreement must have a sufficiently large interest in its ratification to be willing to offer compensations. These basic conditions fulfilled, the existence or not of side‐payments depends on the strategic interactions between the political actors. In the last ten years, Swiss citizens had to vote twice on an international agreement establishing free movement of persons. In both cases, the unions asked for flanking measures; while they failed in their attempt in the context of the European Economic Area, they succeeded in the case of the bilateral agreements. This difference in outcome is all the more surprising since in both cases the unions were in a veto player position and the export oriented economy had a strong interest in the ratification of the agreements. This article explains the different fate of the unions' claims by stressing the role of changes in actor strategies. The credibility of the threat to block the decision‐making process and the succession of the game sequences are in this perspective of paramount importance. By using strategically the veto threat, domestic groups such as unions are able to benefit from internationalisation.     

Judicial Performance and the Rule of Law in the Mexican States

What determines how judicial institutions perform? Prominent theoretical approaches, such as international political economy, institutional rational choice, social capital, and structural theories, suggest that international economic actors, political competition, political participation, and poverty may all be important forces driving institutional behavior. This study analyzes these various theoretical approaches and uses qualitative and statistical analysis to compare judicial performance in the Mexican states. It provides evidence to support the institutional rational choice hypothesis that political competition generates judicial independence. Poverty, political participation, and an export‐oriented economy seem to influence judicial access and effectiveness.     

殷熙耕与曹文轩成长小说比较研究——以叙述策略为中心

本文旨在研究使用叙述策略解释韩国作家殷熙耕和中国作家曹文轩的成长小说。成长小说是讲述任务成长过程的小说,是描写主人公在其所处时代的文化和人文环境中从幼年期迈向青年期的自我发现和精神方面不断成长的过程的小说类型。两位作者的成长小说的区别如下：首先,曹文轩是以当时的社会和政治背景下以事件为主进行叙述的,而殷熙耕更重视以成长主体的心理变化和发展过程为基础进行的叙述。曹文轩具有以讲述为主的现实主义倾向,而殷熙耕具有以展示为主的现代主义倾向。其次,叙述者的位相是构成成长小说叙述策略的重要部分。掌握成长全过程的叙述者的视线会在运用“叙述性过去”的过程中,在小说文本和读者之间的相互作用方面占据绝对位置。再次,《辞格》中所说的“距离”适用于成长小说中的“叙述者一主人公”之间。以心理描写为主进行叙述的殷熙耕成长小说的“距离”较近,借用客观叙述策略的曹文轩小说的“距离”较远。     

Politics of Trade in Post‐neoliberal Latin America: The Case of Bolivia

Deploying a two‐level perspective, this article analyses the regional and domestic space that the Morales administration has in which to implement the vision of trade articulated in its Plan Nacional de Desarrollo (PND; National Development Plan). Regionally the Morales administration has attempted to combine the solidarity principles of the Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (ALBA; Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America) with the market‐oriented growth possibilities provided by more orthodox integration projects such as the Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN; Andean Community of Nations) and the Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur; Southern Common Market). Domestically the Movimiento al socialismo (MAS; Movement Toward Socialism) government must negotiate the destabilising effects of its trade strategy in a polarised national context where business and civil society actors are critiquing from their respective positions both the solidarity principles and market‐oriented elements of the PND trade strategy.     

Dezentraler und unitarischer Föderalismus. Die Schweiz und Deutschland im Vergleich

In this article it is endeavoured to analyse the different functioning of “decentralised” (Switzerland) and “unitary” (Germany) federalism. This is done by discussing the cultural and political autonomy of member states, the possibilities of member states to control and influence federal decision‐making, the ways to implement federal legislation, and the redistribution of resources. There are, despite of “equi‐functional” structures, considerable similarities in the functioning of both countries. The predominance of a completely different discourse of justification in both countries explains the institutional and procedural differences and thus the different reform projects.     

Between Market‐Preserving Federalism and Intergovernmental Coordination: The Case of Australia

This article investigates Australia's economic success since the 1990s. As this was set in motion by fundamental political reforms, it asks to what extent Australian‐type federalism has been an important factor in the reform process. By using two approaches ‐ the market‐preserving federalism approach of Weingast, which stresses the virtues of ‘limited government’, decentralisation and competition together with the intergovernmental coordination approach of Scharpf which argues for a ‘problem‐solving’ orientation of territorial actors ‐, the structure of Australian federalism, changes in the working of the federal system in the 1990s, and effects on policy‐making are scrutinised. The article demonstrates that a particular combination of a rather centralised federal structure and a particular type of intergovernmental coordination, i.e. collaboration, supplemented by the strong influence of new public management ideas, has been conducive to political reforms in Australia. This suggests that a decentralised and competitive version of federalism, as defended by Weingast, is not a necessary condition for embarking on a successful reform path in federal countries. In future research, both approaches or analytical dimensions should be used in order to better understand the relationship of intergovernmental relations and policy reforms.     

“Industrial Defence Against the Whole World”: Deakinite New Protection as Narrative of Global Modernity

As it evolved towards the New Protection program from 1906, Deakinite protectionism manifested as a historicised narrative of modernity: an attempt to impose a rationale of nation-building over the heterogeneous and unstable impact of new economic relations and technologies, and the tense dynamics of competition between nations. History was invoked by actors fashioning the nation-building task in post Federation Australia as they claimed to make decisive breaks with past practice, reflected in innovative government strategies and social reforms. The anxieties and opportunities stimulated by global industrial modernity defined New Protection policy, evident in the formation of political narrative and parliamentary legislation, and government intervention in the conduct of business enterprise and industrial relations. The objectives and contradictions of New Protection were clarified in the political narratives and policy interventions constructed to secure the future of the Sunshine Harvester enterprise and its workforce.     

The Silent Reform of Swiss Federalism: The New Constitutional Articles on Education

This article examines the decision‐making process leading to the new constitutional articles on education in Switzerland. It analyzes how actors from both state levels (Confederation and cantons) could reach consensus in a process that was prone to a “joint‐decision trap”. To that end, we hypothesize which factors may be conducive to a “problem‐solving” style of policy‐making in a compulsory negotiation system. Rich empirical material from various sources supports our theoretical arguments: We show that shared beliefs and a common frame of reference, the procedural separation between constitutional and distributional issues, neutral brokers, and informal structures were all beneficial to the success of the reform project.     

La confection de diplômes à croix suisse. Standardisation des certifications et construction du national dans l'espace helvétique de la fin du 19e siècle

Which actors initiate or prevent the unification of diploma and what is at stake? How does the state intervene in the reglementation of curricula? This article studies under a socio‐historical angle the nationalisation of certification procedures within the framework of a political sociology approach. It analyses processes of nationalisation as well as nationally differenciated forms of public intervention. Taking as a focal point the nationalisation of lawyer's diploma and vocational training certificates, the article compares the professionalisation of legal and vocational training in Switzerland. It shows that the constitution of a national public sphere materialises through a process of professional interests unification. This implies divisions among professionals as well as among public authorities. The constitution of a national public sphere is not considered as a matter of simple political oppositions but as a conflicting process which challenges the professionalisation of several professionlsectors and the modalities of public action.     

Das Internet und die Transformation der Musikindustrie

Since the late 1990s, the music industry has been undergoing a period of significant and crisis-ridden changes, which was initiated and forced by a new set of technologies: digitalization, data compression and the internet. This paper analyzes the repercussions of this new technological constellation on the socioeconomic structures and institutions of this sector. The reconstruction of this technology-based sectoral transformation shows that the constitutive impulses for restructuring came from the fringes of the sector and from external actors. The established companies in the music business were hesitant in accepting the new technological challenges. They initially reacted with blockades and containment strategies and only defined a strategical repositioning upon massive and indisputable pressure to change. The paper argues that the low ability to anticipate and adapt to these technological, organizational and institutional challenges is due to the interplay of several factors. Among these are (1.) general difficulties to anticipate the socioeconomic impact of fundamentally new technological opportunities, (2.) complex and time-consuming processes of establishing a new techno-institutional match, (3.) the technological conservatism and (4.) the oligopolistic structure of the sector as well as (5.) the hierarchically structured core companies. Together these factors obstructed a controlled sectoral transformation led by the established core players.     

Conditioned Networking: Swiss–EU Relations in Transport

This article addresses the structural characteristics of the interactions between Switzerland and the EU in the transport sector, i.e. transport by air and land. More precisely, it is focused on two different aspects of this relationship: first the modes of coordination between Switzerland and the EU according to the concept of external governance and, second, those conditions that make inclusive patterns of interaction more likely. The central finding of this case study is an expansion of both the regulatory and organisational boundary in both cases. This shift finds expression in the incorporation of Swiss actors into a variety of networks that, at least in some cases, allow Swiss actors to shape EU policy making. The actual patterns of interaction are influenced by a number of factors, including the type of governance inside the EU that facilitates the inclusion of third parties in EU external governance and the problem structure that is characterized by coordination rather than enforcement problems.     

Indigenous Peasant ‘Otherness’: Rural Identities and Political Processes in Bolivia

Since Morales's election, rural movements have become the new protagonists of Bolivian politics. Previous analyses have emphasised their active role in shaping national politics, often focusing on those organisations as a compact block. However, their relationship is marked by both cooperation and fragmentation. This article provides a narrative of Bolivian socio‐political history over the last 60 years, establishing four main phases of identitarian articulations/disarticulations. It demonstrates the high degree of interdependence and fluidity of ethnic and class identities, as well as their interconnections with the broader socio‐political context and the national legal and institutional changes.     

Political Institutions,Policymaking, and Policy Stability in Latin America

In some Latin American nations, policy change occurs frequently, while in others it is stable, less prone to shifts with the prevailing political climate or shocks. The conditions under which institutional rules and the powers of key actors influence the capacity for governance vary, and this variation is seldom addressed in the literature. This project examines the effects of the interactions between key policymakers (the executive and the legislature) in Latin America on policy stability across different institutional frameworks. Countries with simultaneously strong executives and weak legislatures are shown to have unstable policy environments, as are countries with a history of unified government and, to a lesser extent, candidate‐centered electoral systems.     

Institutions,Civilian Resistance,and Wartime Social Order: A Process‐driven Natural Experiment in the Colombian Civil War

Why do armed groups fighting in civil wars establish different institutions in territories where they operate? This article tests the mechanisms of a theory that posits that different forms of wartime social order are the outcome of a process in which an aspiring ruler—an armed group—expands the scope of its rule as much as possible unless civilians push back. Instead of being always at the mercy of armed actors, civilians arguably have bargaining power if they can credibly threaten combatants with collective resistance. Such resistance, in turn, is a function of the quality of preexisting local institutions. Using a process‐driven natural experiment in three villages in Central Colombia, this article traces the effects of institutional quality on wartime social order.     

Negotiating the technological capacity in Chinese engagements: Is the Tanzanian government in the driving seat?

Is the Tanzanian government in charge of development cooperation programmes with China? The literature has portrayed the Tanzanian and other state actors in Africa as passive and weakly coordinated players over the five decades of intensified cooperation with China. This paper will attempt to challenge this narrative by drawing on lessons from the negotiation efforts of individual and institutional actors in Tanzania, as they sought to improve the country's industrial and technological capacity, among other interests. Our findings revealed a gap between the capacity to attract Chinese investments and development assistance, and extraction of knowledge and technology from such engagements. President John Pombe Magufuli's anti-corruption measures signal a paradigm shift against the rent-seeking tendencies, elitism and limited utilisation of local content under the Chinese partnership projects. Nevertheless, the combination of a declining share of official Chinese engagements with the increased involvement of private actors necessitates further policy innovations in order to boost inter-firm technological spillovers.     

Private Interest Governments are Dead. Long Live Private Interest Governments? Lessons from Swiss Cows

This article looks at the most recent developments of the interest associations in the Swiss dairy sector. In the past, these had become famous as so‐called “Private Interest Governments” (PIGs) in which interest associations were equipped with public authority. The initial abolition of the PIG of the Swiss dairy sector in 1999 resulted in a significant and disruptive weakening of the traditional actors which were consequently transformed into liberalised service‐oriented organisations, and it seemed that the Swiss dairy sector could be an example of a long‐time “path” which had come to an end. However, more recent developments, which were partially induced by the associations themselves and partially coincidental, have led to the emergence of a “differentiated PIG”. Although associational governance has not been completely re‐introduced, and the sector remains largely liberalised, the example shows that a path which has been followed for more than 80 years cannot simply be reversed and replaced by a new path, and that deeply institutionalised structures can partially survive if a “window of opportunity” opens.     

Die argumentative Logik der Tabakmandate des Alten Bern: Eine historische Policy‐Analyse

Zusammenfassung: Die Analyse dynamischer sozialer Phänomene stellt sowohl für die Sozial‐ als auch die Geisteswissenschaften eine Herausforderung dar. Ziel dieses Artikels ist es, einen auf Dunn (2004) aufbauenden Analyseraster auf seine Durchführbarkeit anhand einer Analyse von Policy‐Argumenten in historischen Dokumenten zu testen. Ein Längsschnittvergleich von Struktur und Form der Policy‐Argumente in den Tabakmandaten der Stadt Bern von 1659 bis 1723 zeigt einen Wandel der Tabakpolitik des Alten Berns in der Ortung der gesellschaftlichen Probleme, ihrer Ursachen, den damit festgelegten Massnahmen und derer Legitimation auf. Insgesamt impliziert dieses Resultat, dass unsere Methode für die Analyse historischer Policy‐Argumente geeignet ist.