论印度在非洲的维和行动

印度在非洲维和行动中发挥的主要作用有:保证联合国维和任务的正常进行;缓解一些地区的紧张局势;实施人道主义救助;促进非洲的性别平等。由于印度在非洲存有广泛利益,而参与非洲维和行动又有助于实现这些利益,所以今后印度仍会对联合国在非洲的维和行动提供强有力的支持。     

巴西与联合国维和行动：基于安全治理视角的分析

安全治理是联合国维和行动的核心要义,也是新兴国家参与维和的重要考量。在联合国维和行动中,巴西属于参与较早且较积极的国家。尤其进入21世纪以来,随着综合国力的增强以及外交、国防战略的充实完善,巴西对联合国维和行动的重视程度明显提升。除了保持较高的参与率以外,巴西尤其注重对非洲、南大西洋、拉美与巴西安全利益相关性较强的地区维和行动的参与。总体来看,在巴西的维和参与中,存在较为清晰的安全治理逻辑,其中既包括扩大在全球安全治理中的影响力,也体现了在战略性区域构建"安全共同体"的政策思路。与此同时,维和参与也是保障巴西国内安全可治理性的重要方式。从实际效果分析,联合国维和参与有助于巴西在全球安全治理中的"协调国"角色塑造,进而丰富巴西外交的"软实力"内涵。与此同时,巴西也依托"协调国"角色更加广泛地参与全球和地区安全治理,实现了提升国际政治影响力的战略目标。     

中国参与联合国维和述评

自1981年中国在联合国表示原则上支持符合<联合国宪章>精神的维和行动以来,中国参与联合国维和的范围越来越广、规模越来越大,中国维和人员的足迹几乎遍及世界上所有的热点地区.中国积极参与联合国维和行动,展示了中国负责任的大国形象.为在维护国际和平与安全的前提下,最大限度地实现中国国家利益,中国必须在推进维和机制完善、扩展维和任务领域及优化维和人员素质等方面有质的提高.     

21世纪印度对非能源外交

印度与非洲隔海相望,历史联系紧密,早在殖民时期就建立了友好关系。冷战结束后,印度外交政策重心转向欧美,逐渐淡化了与非洲关系。然而,印度在联合国“人常”的失败,刺激了其加强与非洲的关系,以获取政治利益。与此同时,印度国内严峻的能源短缺制约了其经济发展。因此,新世纪以来,印度以能源为突破口,开展了一系列对非外交活动,以实现其能源进口多元化战略和大国梦。     

日本联合国维和行动合作政策的体系及特征

1992年日本国会通过《联合国维和行动合作法（PKO）》，希望借此恢复日本在国际社会的影响力、摆脱经济大国外交小国的尴尬现实。在国际维和行动上发挥作用已成为日本国家战略的一部分,也是其外交政策核心的组成要素。但由于日本和平宪法及周边国家警惕等因素的制约，日本在PKO中仍以经济援助为主。依据PKO法案实施四原则，日本先后参与了柬埔寨、伊拉克等联合国维和行动，并借助经济力量提高了其在相关地区的影响。现在日本国内空前关注通过自卫队参与PKO的形式来发挥维护国际和平的作用。     

印度的国际组织外交

本文梳理了印度国际组织外交的演变过程,概述了印度在联合国维和、裁军、环境和人权合作等方面的表现以及在联合国改革问题上的立场,分析了印度与主要地区性国际组织的关系,探讨了印度国际组织外交的优势和局限。     

论中国在联合国维和行动中的话语权

话语权是国家在国际社会中维护和拓展国家利益的一种手段, 是国家实力的重要体 现。联合国维和行动中的话语权体现在决策制定、经费分摊、部队派遣以及国际舆论的影响等方 面。冷战后, 联合国维和行动已发展成为联合国维护世界和平最重要的手段, 在此领域的话语权的 争夺也日趋激烈。作为安理会常任理事国的中国应该承担更多的国际责任, 进一步塑造“负责任 的大国”的国际形象, 努力增强在联合国维和行动中的话语权     

联合国维和行动的历史与现状

维和行动是联合国在处理地区冲突和争端的实践中的创举。1948年联合国向巴勒斯坦派出“停战监督组织”,这是联合国历史上第一项维和行动。 维和行动是指联合国根据冲突当事方的同意,实地部署军事、警察或文职人员,通过非强制性行动,在联合国的指挥下协助控制和解决争端的行动。 维和的实质是“维持”和平,而不是通过采取强制的武力行动实现和平。它的根本作用在于,为通过其它政治、外交途径最终解决争端创造条件。 维和行动真正受到重视并得到发展,是在80年代末冷战结束前后,同传统维和行动相比,被人们称为第二代维和行动(1988年以后的行动)有显著不同。 维和领域目前存在着困难和问题。如何总结经验,解决现存的问题,在维护国际和平与安全方面发挥更积极有效的作用,是联合国面临的一个紧迫任务。     

民主模式转型与印度外交政策趋向

随着新经济改革的实施,在诸多因素的影响下,印度民主政治模式也在发生潜移默化的变化。随着印度教民族主义政党的崛起、地方权势不断壮大、中央权势不断萎缩,印度"去中央化"政治格局明显;为支撑经济发展,政府颁布实施了宽松的政策,促进了私营经济的迅速发展,从而为商业利益集团的壮大创造了条件;为捍卫自身的权益,低种姓势力不断扩大在印度民主政治中的影响。在此情形下,由"国家主义"向"多元主义"转变的印度民主模式在其外交政策的制定中扮演重要角色。本文从民主模式转型视角探究印度外交政策的趋向,既能增进对印度政治制度的理解,也能为人们从学理上探究一国国内政治与外交政策的关系提供可鉴分析范式。     

印度外交政策的历史转换析论

成为“有声有色”的世界政治大国,是印度自独立起就确立的国家战略目标。为实现该战略目标,不同的时代,印度采用不同的外交政策,也取得了不同的政治实效。尼赫鲁时期的外交战略是借助独立于美苏阵营的不结盟外交寻求政治大国地位,但自身国力的贫弱为印度的大国目标蒙上了浓重的理想主义色彩。后尼赫鲁时期的外交战略抛弃了不切实际的不结盟外交,转而依靠军事实力以谋取地区强国地位。然而,这一战略导致地区局势紧张,制约了印度走向世界政治大国的进程。2l世纪以来,印度实现了对非洲外交政策的战略性转换,即从重视硬实力的传统外交政策转向软实力外交。印度从不结盟到软实力外交的历史转换,凸显出以国家利益最大化为中心、以国际环境变换为外在变量、以中国为参照和竞争对象、注重发挥“软硬”合力的特征。     

Why Some States Participate in UN Peace Missions While Others Do Not: An Analysis of Civil-Military Relations and Its Effects on Latin America's Contributions to Peacekeeping Operations

Why do some states deploy troops to support UN missions while others do not? Although short from war, peacekeeping entails a military dimension of foreign policy in which uniformed personnel is deployed to accomplish diplomatic and political means. As such, decisions to commit troops to UN operations must have the implicit support of the armed forces in order to take place. Yet, military backing for peacekeeping participation is not universal; some military institutions are more willing to join such missions than others. This article accounts for variations in terms of peacekeeping commitments by focusing on security doctrines and the degree of integration between military and foreign policy roles. It hypothesizes that countries with externally oriented doctrines and integrated foreign and defense policies are more likely to commit troops to the UN than countries with national security doctrines and segregated military and foreign policy roles. Using evidence from the Latin American region, the paper suggests that the decision to engage in UN operations is the result of doctrinal policies and bureaucratic infighting.     

The West’s Policeman? Assessing Italy’s Status in Global Peacekeeping

ABSTRACT

Since the 1960s, and especially the 1980s, Italy has participated in and led numerous peace support operations (PSOs), predominantly under the aegis of international organisations. Italy’s participation in PSOs authorised by the UN, the EU, NATO and other multilateral agreements stems from a combination of national interest and humanitarianism/multilateralism. However, although acknowledged as a significant contributor, a clear assessment of its status in global peacekeeping is still missing. In fact, Italy plays a role that is comparatively greater than all Western nations in the international fora taken into account, and, as such, can be described as ‘the West’s policeman’, from both a quantitative (number of troops) and qualitative (role within the missions) perspective. This might be somewhat curbed in the future, however, due to some of the country’s limitations on foreign policy.     

A Silver-Lining: President Johnson and the U.N. Peacekeeping Budget Crisis of 1964–1965 1

Despite the revival of UN peacekeeping after the Cold War, many questions regarding peacekeeping operations remain unanswered. Some of the most complex questions involve the extent to which peacekeeping should be applied, who should pay, and with what privileges, if any. These questions are not new, but also surfaced during the 1960 UN budget crisis ever peacekeeping between the United States and the Soviet Union. President Johnson decided to uphold Kennedy’s promise to apply Article 19 and deprive a state of its General Assembly vote if it did not pay its assessed peacekeeping dues. In the end, however, Johnson retreated on Article 19 in the face of Soviet refusal to pay anything toward peacekeeping. The crisis subsided along with a missed opportunity to deal more conclusively with some of the questions surrounding peacekeeping.     

A Silver-Lining: President Johnson and the U.N. Peacekeeping Budget Crisis of 1964-19651

Despite the revival of UN peacekeeping after the Cold War, many questions regarding peacekeeping operations remain unanswered. Some of the most complex questions involve the extent to which peacekeeping should be applied, who should pay, and with what privileges, if any. These questions are not new, but also surfaced during the 1960 UN budget crisis ever peacekeeping between the United States and the Soviet Union. President Johnson decided to uphold Kennedy's promise to apply Article 19 and deprive a state of its General Assembly vote if it did not pay its assessed peacekeeping dues. In the end, however, Johnson retreated on Article 19 in the face of Soviet refusal to pay anything toward peacekeeping. The crisis subsided along with a missed opportunity to deal more conclusively with some of the questions surrounding peacekeeping.     

Performance under ambiguity: International organization performance in UN peacekeeping

This article argues that ambiguity—indeterminacy between alternative interpretations of a phenomenon—is inherent in the peace operations field, and makes defining and assessing the UN’s performance problematic. Applying Gutner and Thompson’s framework for international organization performance (IOP) research to UN peacekeeping, it argues further that the relationship between process performance and outcomes in peacekeeping is irreducibly ambiguous, and that ambiguity has significant implications for efforts to measure and improve peacekeeping performance. To demonstrate this, the article reviews methods employed by the UN to measure its peacekeeping performance, arguing that the primary method employed—results-based budgeting (RBB)—is inherently unable to cope with the challenges of performance ambiguity. Its adoption and continued use despite its evident shortcomings are due to RBB’s legitimacy in the wider organizational field of international public management in which the UN Secretariat, and UN peacekeeping, perform. Finally, the article considers recent efforts to improve process performance in UN peacekeeping, and discuss the ways in which so-called ‘integration’ reforms central to such efforts are a means of reducing and managing the ambiguity inherent in peacekeeping.     

论尼泊尔与印度的关系及其发展趋势

君主制时期,尼泊尔同印度的关系绕着“控制与反控制”展开。尼泊尔建立联邦民主共和国后,政治外交政策也显示出和以往不同的灵活性,主动发展与印度的关系。普拉昌达政府旗帜鲜明地提出了发展独立自主的外交政策的政治观点,内帕尔政府从要求得到更多的经济发展自主权的角度,向印度的“控制”政策提出了反抗。     

Withering consent,but mutual dependency: UN peace operations and African assertiveness

Consent has always been a cornerstone of UN peacekeeping. However, consent in peace operations is often elusive, as recent events in a number of African countries, where the heads of state have explicitly requested the departure or the downsizing of UN missions, have demonstrated. This paper uses evidence from Côte d'Ivoire and Chad to explore the game of conflicting priorities and mutual dependency that underlines UN peacekeeping missions' relations with African host states. It argues that such a dynamic renders consent ambiguous and volatile. African leaders maximise possible benefits that they can obtain from a UN mission, while minimising the potential menace that ‘liberal peace’-style peace-building may pose to their rule. Withdrawal of consent may be facilitated when alternative ‘resources of extraversion’ become available, such as those provided by natural goods or by emerging commercial players. The current situation poses a difficult dilemma to the UN, balancing between keeping peacekeeping missions on the ground with limited or no consent, or leaving and risking breaking its implicit engagements with the civilian population.     

Reevaluating Peacekeeping Effectiveness: Does Gender Neutrality Inhibit Progress?

Since the adoption of UNSCR 1325, more female peacekeepers are participating in peacekeeping missions than ever before. Nevertheless, the current literature on peacekeeping effectiveness is largely gender neutral, discounting the unique role female peacekeepers may play in peacekeeping operations. This article addresses this missing piece in the literature by assessing how female peacekeepers and locals view the role of women in peacekeeping operations. Using interviews and focus groups conducted with peacekeepers in the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and original surveys conducted in Liberian communities, it finds that there is an “access gap” that prevents female peacekeepers from fully contributing to the mission’s operations and therefore prevents the peacekeeping mission from reaching its full potential. The findings have broader implications for how to improve peacekeeping missions’ effectiveness moving forward.     

国际金融危机下印度外国直接投资政策的调整

随着百年不遇的金融危机不断蔓延,新兴经济实体印度正遭受越来越强烈的冲击。面对资金严重短缺、外资大量流失和社会不稳定等不利的投资环境,印度政府积极调整外资政策,以应对国际金融危机的冲击。实践证明,印度谨慎的引资政策在应对金融危机中凸显出较强的优势并取得显著绩效,值得与之国情相似的中国思考。     

Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by Peacekeepers: Understanding Variation

While the literature on peacekeeping has mostly focused on whether peacekeeping actually keeps the peace, few studies have systematically addressed the question of what explains variations in unintended consequences of peacekeeping, such as sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA). This study presents the Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by Peacekeepers data, a new dataset covering the 36 international peacekeeping missions by the UN, NATO, ECOWAS, and the African Union, active in the years 1999–2010. Using this dataset, it also presents the first statistical study that explores the issue of what can account for variations in reported SEA across peacekeeping operations. The systematic analysis of this data indicates that SEA was more frequently reported in situations with lower levels of battle-related deaths, in larger operations, in more recent operations, the less developed the country hosting the mission, and in operations where the conflict involved high levels of sexual violence. Our discussion and conclusion highlights data restrictions and identifies key challenges for future research.