中欧关系演进的内在逻辑:基于欧盟对华援助的视角

欧盟对华援助的主要表现在援助资金呈递增趋势、援助领域由早期的农业援助转向经济和社会改革领域、援助项目要按照"标准化"要求操作等三个方面。从援助特征可以看出欧盟对华援助背后的政治经济逻辑正好吻合了新自由主义对国际政治经济生活进行必要干预的主张,把欧盟成员国和欧盟内部的社会经验在援助国得以拓展,使其经济运行和社会秩序朝着欧盟所拟定的方向发展,这也恰好表明欧盟对华援助的行为不可能偏离自利立场。但是,中国在坚持独立的外交政策和方针下,使得中欧关系逐步朝务实性方向发展,在合作基础上解决面临的共同难题,谋求长期的战略性合作伙伴关系依然符合中欧关系发展的趋势。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

印度一欧盟贸易关系发展现状及其发展态势

欧盟作为世界上最大的经济体,为印度的经济发展提供了广阔的市场及发展空间,印度很重视发展与欧盟的关系,尤其是经济关系;而印度作为一个发展潜力极大的发展中国家,自然资源、人力资源极为丰富,欧盟同样需要进一步加强与印度的贸易关系。目前双方的贸易关系进展平稳,但也存在不可避免的挑战,特别是欧盟东扩后,双边贸易关系的前景面临着更多的变数。     

Understanding EU crisis diplomacy in the European neighbourhood: strategic narratives and perceptions of the EU in Ukraine,Israel and Palestine

ABSTRACT

This Special Issue seeks to better understand the role of communication and perception in EU crisis diplomacy. In a recent Special Issue in this journal, Catarina Kinnvall, Ian Manners and Jennifer Mitzen argue that, “?…?the greatest security challenge facing people across Europe is not physical, despite the threats of Putin and ISIS, but is a sense of fear and anxiety over their daily lives” [2018. Introduction to 2018 Special Issue of European Security: “Ontological (in)security in the European Union”. European security, 27 (3), 249–265]. We take an interdisciplinary approach to widen the scope of studies on European security and offer new avenues for further research into how citizens in the EU’s neighbourhood understand the security challenges they face and the role the EU plays in addressing these. Through this, we aim to bring theoretical and methodological innovation to understanding the role of the EU as an external actor.     

The EU in the South Caucasus and the Impact of the Russia-Ukraine War

Despite hopes that it would act as a transformative tool in the South Caucasus to strengthen democracy, stability, security and regional cooperation, the Eastern Partnership (EaP) has produced limited results, with the region more fragmented today than it was five years ago. Russia’s war against Ukraine has further exacerbated the situation, raising concerns over the extent to which South Caucasus countries can genuinely rely on the West. Today, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan have different geostrategic trajectories. While Georgia has stuck to the Euro-Atlantic track, Armenia joined the Russian-led Eurasian Union in January 2015. Meanwhile Azerbaijan has the luxury of choosing not to choose. Developments in the region have demonstrated that a ‘one size fits all’ approach does not work and a more differentiated policy is required.     

Hitting the right target: EU and Security Council pursuit of terrorist financing

This article analyses one specific instance of the use of targeted sanctions to combat the financing of terrorism by the European Union on behalf of the United Nations Security Council. The case raised a number of issues involving the use of sanctions against non-state actors and provoked a legal challenge at the European Court of Justice. These European court cases have been portrayed as a challenge to the use of targeted sanctions by the Security Council to maintain international peace and security. The fundamental critique here is that targeted sanctions must adhere to due process and the rule of law in order to protect individual human rights.     

马来西亚和印度尼西亚岛屿主权争议案评论

2002年12月17日,国际法院在分析了1891年英国和荷兰的有关条约和国家继承之后,依据有效统治理论对马来西亚和印度尼西亚之间关于利吉丹岛和西巴坦岛的主权争议案作出了判决,将两个小岛的主权判给了马来西亚。本文首先简单介绍了该判决的主要内容,随后对本案在国际法以及国际政治方面的影响进行了简要的评论。本文认为,国际法院依据有效统治理论进行裁判是值得疑问的。这样的判决不利于保持有争议地区的稳定。     

欧盟职业资格认证体系改革及其对东北亚区域劳动力合作的启示

劳动力在地区之间的流动存在许多障碍,缺乏对知识、技能和职业资格的统一评价标准劳动力的自由流动将尤为困难。2002年,欧盟开始实施对职业资格认证体系的改革,新的欧盟职业资格认证系统包含三个子认证体系:职业资格认证的一般体系、以工作经验作为证明的自动的资格认证体系、特殊行业的自动职业认证体系。欧盟职业资格认证体系改革的目的是保证劳动力的自由流动,这对东北亚地区劳动力合作提供了可以借鉴的范例。     

欧盟东扩与俄罗斯的对外经济贸易取向

在 90年代 ,通过东西欧经济一体化和对俄共同战略 ,欧盟已成功地把中东欧候选国和俄罗斯纳入欧盟的国际分工体系 ,并将最终把它们融入欧洲的政治和法律体系。欧盟东扩不仅使俄罗斯的对外贸易地理方向明显偏向西欧 ,而且使俄罗斯成为欧盟原材料和燃料的主要提供者。东扩后的欧盟将与俄罗斯拥有漫长的共同边界 ,从而使双方经贸关系更加密切 ,这无疑会成为 2 1世纪制约中俄贸易发展的一个重要因素。只有早日形成以产业内贸易为主体的贸易格局 ,中俄贸易才有可能取得较快的发展。     

苏俄、共产国际与中国国民党关系问题研究综述

近年来,随着《共产国际、联共(布)与中国革命档案丛书》以及中国国民党方面资料的问世,苏俄、共产国际与中国国民党交往的部分史料得以公开,伴随着国民党问题研究热潮的出现,苏俄、共产国际与中国国民党关系问题也逐渐成为众多学者关注和研究的新重点。这方面研究经历了由浅及深的转变:对涉及这一问题的历史人物的研究,对苏俄、共产国际与中国革命关系史的研究,对苏俄、共产国际与中国国民党关系史的专题性研究。     

试析抗战后期苏联因素的影响

战略反攻阶段,苏联因素在国共两党的关系中作用日益增强,究其原因,主要有以下几个方面:苏联国际地位提高,在重大国际事务处理上举足轻重,这是苏联因素再度受到重视的最主要因素;蒋介石集团出于战略考量,主动改善与苏联的关系;美国的推动,也是促使苏联在中国政局再度受到关注的因素之一;就中国共产党而言,为抗衡英美对国民党的支持,中国共产党有必要保持同苏联的友好关系,这也是苏联作用增强的因素之一。在错综复杂的国际关系中,联合一切可以联合的力量,利用一切积极因素,有利于推进革命事业的发展,同时,在处理国内党派之争时应最大限度地避免外部消极因素的介入;处理国家间关系时,要时刻以国家利益为重,不应以意识形态和党派之间矛盾为重,这是历史给予我们的昭示。     

从地缘政治角度解读俄远东地区中国移民问题

随着中俄两国政治、经济、军事各方面关系的发展,俄罗斯远东地区中国移民问题越来越成为两国关系中的一个突出问题。俄地缘教训治环境恶化,经济发展状况,远东人口形势严峻,及中俄历史、文化方面的差异都是远东地区中国移民问题产生的根源。     

苏维埃政权初期列宁的基层党组织建设理论与实践

十月革命胜利后,布尔什维克党掌握了国家政权,成为执政党。列宁在执政党基层组织建设中,坚持民主集中制,将共产党基层组织活动与工会、青年团等组织结合起来,由党领导其他群众组织共同发挥作用,这些理论和实践活动对苏联共产党的建设产生了深远影响。     

略论国大党世俗主义国家观念的形成

在印度近代的(对外)民族主义斗争和(对内)世俗主义改革的“双重奏”局面中,国大党恰当地把握住了这两者各自的轻重缓急,并以尼赫鲁为代表,面对宗教传统深厚且教派冲突激烈的社会现实,形成了自己成熟而系统的世俗主义的国家观念。而国大党世俗主义国家观念的形成是印度世俗化在制度的层面得以实现的先导。     

Making sense of terrorism: a narrative approach to the study of violent events

ABSTRACT

How does violence become understood as terrorism? In this article, we show how a narrative approach to the study of violent events offers a conceptually productive way to understand the process of “seeing” an event as a terrorist act, one that explicitly integrates the phenomenology of violence. While the collective practice of defining terrorism in academia and the policy arena has struggled to produce a universal definition, we identify a set of “common sense” characteristics. We argue that if the framing of violent events prominently features these characteristics as discursive anchors, this primes processes of sensemaking toward interpreting violence as terrorism. While terrorism markers are often articulated as being pragmatic and apolitical indicators of terrorist acts, we show that they are indeed at the core of political contests over historical and physical facts about violent events. The narrative approach we develop in this article underscores that intuitive leanings toward interpreting violence as terrorism are a sign of political agency precisely because they are produced through the stories political agents tell.