Comparison of Decomposition Rates and Faunal Colonization of Carrion in Indoor and Outdoor Environments

Abstract: Decomposition and insect colonization of pig (Sus scrofa L.) carcasses were observed over a 42‐day period inside and outside a house in a suburban region of Edmonton, Alberta. Three freshly killed pig carcasses were placed outdoors on grass and three carcasses were placed in separate rooms inside a house in a suburban residential area. The carcasses were examined and sampled regularly. Outside carcasses were colonized rapidly by Calliphora vicina (R‐D), Lucilia sericata (Meigen), Lucilia illustris (Meigen), Eucalliphora latifrons (Hough), Cynomya cadaverina (R‐D), Phormia regina (Meigen), and Protophormia terraenovae (R‐D). There was a delay of 5 days before inside carcasses were first colonized but all species except E. latifrons and L. illustris readily colonized at this time. Many more insects colonized the outside carcasses, and these were rapidly skeletonized. Inside, much fewer insects were present and decomposition was slowed and colonization extended. Dispersal patterns of postfeeding larvae inside the house on hard substrate were greatly expanded compared with those from carcasses on grass.     

Toward a political economy of post-Fordist punishment

This article suggests some new lines of research in the field of the political economy of punishment and some possible new directions for a critical approach to contemporary social control strategies. The starting point is the transition from a Fordist economy to what can be defined as a post-Fordist system of production. I outline some tendencies in the actual capitalist dynamic (concerning the labour market, the production process, the relations between the workforce and capitalist power and between work and social citizenship), suggesting that a renewed political economy of social control has to deal with them. Two tendencies are assumed to be structural. On the one hand, the tendency of the capitalist system to make the production (and extraction) of surplus-value more and more independent of the effective working time (a tendency toward the reduction of human labour in the productive process). On the other hand, the tendency towards the massive introduction of new technologies: a tendency whose main consequences seem to be the intellectualisation of human labour and the decline of the classic distinction between manual and intellectual labour. I assume that these tendencies give rise to a new productive subject (the multitude), whose characters exceed the actual organisation of work and deepen the contradictions intrinsic to post-Fordist societies. Hence, an analysis of some new social control strategies follows, where I consider actuarialism as a technology for the control of these contradictions

The Power of Exclusion using Automated Osteometric Sorting: Pair‐Matching,

This study compares the original pair‐matching osteometric sorting model (J Forensic Sci 2003 ;48:717) against two new models providing validation and performance testing across three samples. The samples include the Forensic Data Bank, USS Oklahoma, and the osteometric sorting reference used within the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency. A computer science solution to generating dynamic statistical models across a commingled assemblage is presented. The issue of normality is investigated showing the relative robustness against non‐normality and a data transformation to control for normality. A case study is provided showing the relative exclusion power of all three models from an active commingled case within the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency. In total, 14,357,220 osteometric t‐tests were conducted. The results indicate that osteometric sorting performs as expected despite reference samples deviating from normality. The two new models outperform the original, and one of those is recommended to supersede the original for future osteometric sorting work.     

Placating the Powerless: Effects of Legitimate and Illegitimate Explanation on Affect,Memory, and Stereotyping

In an experimental study involving power differences between groups, the effects of legitimate and illegitimate explanations for power were investigated on measures of affect, stereotyping, and memory. We found that powerless groups reported more positive affect (relative to negative affect) when explanations were provided for their powerlessness, whether these explanations were classified a priori as either legitimate or illegitimate. Members of powerless groups also attributed greater intelligence and responsibility to the outgroup when it was in a position of high power rather than equal power, and these effects on stereotyping were enhanced when explanations for the power differences were provided. Finally, research participants tended to misremember the reasons given for the power differences as more legitimate than they actually were. These results support a system justification theory of intergroup behavior (Jost and Banaji [1994] Br. J. Soc. Psychol. 33:1–27) in that people seem to imbue placebic explanations with legitimacy, use stereotypes to rationalize power differences, and exhibit biases in memory such that the status quo is increasingly legitimized over time.     

The Greenbook and the Overrepresentation of African American,Hispanic, and Native American Families in the Child Welfare System

Effective Intervention in Domestic Violence & Child Maltreatment Cases: Guidelines for Policy and Practice (the Greenbook) provided a valuable framework for child welfare agencies, domestic violence agencies, and the courts to work together to address the co‐occurrence in families of child maltreatment and domestic violence. It did not specifically address the overrepresentation of families of color in the child welfare system or the disparity of outcomes for these families. Yet the Greenbook’s approach to systems change can be used as a foundation to implement strategies to reduce overrepresentation and to improve safety, permanency, and stability for children and families.     

Smallpox vaccination and the limits of governing through contagion in the Straits Settlements, 1868–1926

Vaccination involves the encounter of nonhuman biological matter and human bodies, recalibrating our susceptibility to illness and death. This boundary-crossing act has been caught in conflicting webs of moral significance, including the normalizing frameworks of public health governance and its corresponding forms of resistance. Such tensions and dynamics were a feature of smallpox vaccination - the first modern, systematic state-driven project to build population immunity. Focusing on smallpox vaccination in the British-ruled Straits Settlements (Singapore, Penang, and Malacca) between 1868 and 1926, we examine the recurrent features of contentions over vaccination from the tentative beginnings of the 1868 Vaccination Ordinance to the systematic extension of vaccination in the 20th century. Engaging science and technology studies of nonhuman agency and social theories on security, we argue that such contentions demonstrate the limits of a power formation we call governing through contagion (GTC). GTC centralizes law and other technologies to normalize public health measures that combat contagious diseases, while dysconnecting populations by its strategies of control. Our history of smallpox vaccination reveals: (i) GTC relies on the interconnectedness of human and nonhuman actors in protecting populations against viral threats; law is essential but does not necessarily drive vaccination or other strategies of control and (ii) resistance to GTC, in which law plays an integral role, reinforces inequalities and differentiated treatment, what we term endemic inter/dysconnectedness.     

Perception of and Satisfaction with Relationship Power,Sex, and Attachment Styles: A Couples Level Analysis

Eighty heterosexual dating couples provided information about their gender, individual histories of abuse in their current relationship, attachment styles, perception of and satisfaction with relationship power. Partner report of physical abuse was the dependent variable. APIM actor results suggest that an individual's gender interacts with perceived level of relationship power and satisfaction with relationship power for physical abuse. Both dimensions of attachment interacted with perceived relationship power for physical abuse. Partner effects were also found. One's partner's sex interacted with perceived power and satisfaction with relationship power. Finally, the partner's avoidant attachment interacted with satisfaction with relationship power. These findings generally replicate and extend the work of H. M. Ronfeldt, R. Kimerling, and I. Arias (1998, J. Marriage Fam. 60: 70–78) by showing how attachment styles, perception of relationship power, and satisfaction with relationship power are related in predicting aggression against a romantic partner.     

Gender Inequality and Patterns of Abuse Post Leaving

Drawing on Connell’s (Gender and power: Society, the person and sexual politics. California: Stanford University Press, 1987; Masculinities. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995) model of gender relations, this paper examines patterns of intimate partner violence among women who have recently left an abusive partner. In so doing, we attempt to better understand the social structural factors that shape the relations of power and control in intimate violent heterosexual unions. The data come from the first wave of a longitudinal prospective survey of 309 women who had left an abusive partner in the previous 3 years. Our data suggest that structured relations of inequality, namely relations of production, power and cathexis, shape women’s risk of abuse and harassment after leaving, and do so in ways that shape relations of coercive control. These results have implications for understanding the social context within which male violence against women occurs, and how this context constrains and/or enables women’s strategies for leaving and safety. This research was funded by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) New Emerging Team Grant #106054 and Institute of Gender and Health Operating Grant #15156 (Marilyn Ford-Gilboe, Principal Investigator). The authors thank the participants in the Women’s Health Effects Study. We also thank Julie McMullin, Kim Shuey, and the Health Effects research team for their helpful feedback.     

Left realism,local crime surveys and policing of racial minorities

The inner-city riots of 1980s Britain provoked an important set of debates in the progressive criminological literature about police accountability and the policing of racial minorities. Two main oppositional political strategies emerged. Following the pioneering work of Hall et al. (1978) some British criminologists supported a police monitoring strategy that proceeded on a case by case approach. In a more generalized approach, the strategy employed by the left realist school made use of the local crime survey in order to gather data on crime and policing practices that were used in public forum to make police accountable. In fulfilling this mandate, the first sweep of the Islington Crime Survey (ICS) provides an empirically grounded analysis of focused military-style policing in the Black community. These authors argue that differential policing practices, such as stop and search patterns, alienate Black youth from the police and contribute to the reduced flow of information from the community to the police vital for police effectiveness at crime control.The premise of this paper is that while both of these positions have been conceptually useful, they probably oversimplify the more complex social response of the Black community to focused policing methods. The paper begins with a critique ofPolicing The Crisis and suggests that it was this critique that primarily motivated the left realist response. In examining the scope of this response, the paper reviews two specific models of these relationships as proposed in various publications from the realist school. It is suggested that seven hypotheses can be deduced from these models, and that data from the first sweep of the ICS allow some assessment of the empirical support for these models.After examining the empirical evidence from the ICS, the paper concludes that while there is considerable empirical support for the analysis provided inThe Islington Crime Survey, the authors have probably not gone as far in their analysis as the data allow. A further analysis suggests that the response to military-style and focused policing, far from being uniform, is, in fact, bifurcated. In some instances, the very people who are the targets of biased policing practices demand more of the same. A model that depicts the complex nature of this response is provided.     

Hijacking Law

This essay considers the legal strategies of comparative communities in South Asian, Middle Eastern, and US history. What does it mean for a particular group to “hijack” a body of law, taking everyone on board to an unwanted destination? The piece compares the legal strategies of the Parsi community in colonial and postcolonial India to those of the German Jewish yekke population in mandate Palestine and early independent Israel, the women's movement in India in recent decades, and Protestants in contemporary America before the 2015 Obergefell decision legalizing same‐sex marriage. There are multiple ways of trying to take control of a body of law, and for multiple reasons. A group may capture a body of personal law to perpetuate its own values within the group. It may try to control a territorial legal system to impose its values on the entire population. It may work across bodies of personal law to obtain as uniform a result as possible—as if the system were a unified field, not a segmented one. Or its group members may make available their legal expertise to shore up a newly independent state's legal system. The essay suggests that taking control of a body of law does not necessarily mean hijacking it.     

<Emphasis Type="Italic">Maslahat</Emphasis>, the state and the people: opium use in the Islamic Republic of Iran

This article tracks the development of opium use in present day Iran. Investigating how opium use is influenced by ideological change within the country, this paper intimately attempts to understand how Iranian intellectual, religious and national movements affected and still affect opium use. Working from an historicist approach, this paper furthermore investigates the changing response of the state to this opiate addiction. Analyzing the Islamic Republic's response to opiate-drug use is key in understanding how state policy decisions are influenced by and embedded within these ideological movements of a nation, and, specifically, how the Islamic Republic’s constitutional policy of maslahat allows for flexible legal strategies to combat drug control. Such an investigation is important, not only in understanding the etiology of Iranian policies of drug control and criminalization, but also in understanding how ideological movements affect an individual’s choice to use illegal substances.     

“Command and Control”: 75 Years of Quasi Wildlife Policy Analysis of Ethiopia

Ethiopia’s wildlife history is at loggerheads with the theory of “environmental colonialism.” Ethiopia sets a center stage for the debate of what could have been the fate of African wildlife if Africa had not been colonized. In the 1960s, Ethiopia had a huge wildlife diversity. As of present, its wildlife is severely deteriorated, while that of the colonized countries are in much better condition. The disparity of conservation between the colonized countries and independent Ethiopia prompted this study. In the past 77 years, several wild species in Ethiopia have gone extinct, while some moved to threatened categories and their habitat vanished or deteriorated. Overall, Ethiopia currently hosts six critically endangered, 23 endangered, and 70 vulnerable species of wild animals. The numbers do not include plants, fungi, microorganisms, or invertebrates. This shows a clear pathology of the command and control policy of the wildlife conservation system of Ethiopia. The objectives of this article were to analyze previous legal documents published since 1944, up to the recent wildlife proclamation; to bring out strengths and weaknesses of these policies; and to propose possible alternative adaptive management strategies based on other similar studies. Policy instruments since 1944 were collected. This include the Imperial regime (1941–1974), the Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia (Derg) Regime (1974–1991), and the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (1991–2018). Documents were collected from two sources: the Internet and government printing press. Policy analysis involved a documentary analysis method on how Ethiopian governments’ policies addressed wildlife conservation of Ethiopia since 1944. To achieve the overall research objective, questions were formulated and guided the research direction. The analysis showed that there are good aspects of colonial wildlife conservation policies to learn from. Independence was not a guarantee for wildlife conservation. Existing national parks of East Africa including Ethiopia are the result of UNESCO missions to Africa.     

Agamben and Marx: Sovereignty, Governmentality, Economy

This essay reconsiders Marx’ prehistory of capital through the lens of the work of Giorgio Agamben, who in the wake of Foucault has proposed a bio-political theory of sovereignty that breaks down the analytical separation between sovereignty and governmentality that Foucault in his work tries to maintain. Although Agamben mentions Marx only once in his study of sovereign power, I argue that his study nevertheless contributes to our understanding of the capitalist relation as not only a governmental but also a sovereign power relation. In the first part of this essay, I show through a philological commentary on Marx’ use of the adjective ‘vogelfrei’—translated as free, rightless, without protection, outlawed—to characterise the proletariat, that the Marxian proletariat is a figure of what Agamben in his study of sovereign power calls bare life. In the second part of the essay, I show that this sovereign dimension of the capitalist relation is also substantiated by Marx’ analysis of the logic of the capitalist relation as that of the exception. After Carl Schmitt, who wrote that ‘sovereign is who decides on the state of exception’, Agamben has argued that the logic of the exception is the logic of sovereign power. Reconsidered through the lens of Agamben’s argument, Marx’ account of the prehistory of capital reveals that there is a sovereign logic of the exception at work in the capitalist relation. In the final part of the essay, I start from Agamben’s single reference to Marx in his study of sovereign power to discuss the importance of my conclusions for Agamben’s political message.     

Activist Lawyers in Post‐Tiananmen China

What do the activities of twenty‐first‐century Chinese lawyers tell us about the origins and prospects of legal activism under authoritarianism? This essay fits China's Human Rights Lawyers (2014) into an emerging literature on authoritarian legality. The book offers an insider view of a circle of lawyers interested in using China's newly accessible courts as a platform for social activism. It highlights the difficulty of rights lawyers’ day‐to‐day work against the backdrop of the Chinese state's long‐term experiment in how to harness the power of law without ceding political control.     

Regulation as the Mother of Innovation: The Case of SO2 Control*

This paper explores the relationship between government actions and innovation in an environmental control technology—sulfur dioxide (SO₂) control technologies for power plants—through the use of complementary research methods. Its findings include the importance of regulation and the anticipation of regulation in stimulating invention; the greater role of regulation, as opposed to public R&D expenditures, in inducing invention; the importance of regulatory stringency in determining technical pathways and stimulating collaboration; and the importance of regulatory‐driven technological diffusion in contributing to operating experience and post‐adoption innovation in cost and performance. A number of policy implications are drawn from this work.     

State Crime,the Prophetic Voice and Public Criminology Activism

State crimes are, by far, the most destructive of all crimes. The use and threat to use nuclear weapons, the aerial bombardment of civilians, wars of aggression, torture, the failure to mitigate global warming and adapt to climate change ecocide, along with myriad other state-corporate crimes, fill the world with death and devastation, misery and want. This article argues that criminologists have a responsibility to act as public criminologists by speaking in the “prophetic voice” concerning these crimes and their victims, and then acting in the political arena in an attempt to control and prevent these harms. The paper briefly describes three approaches to engaging in what Belknap (Criminology 53:1–23, 2015) calls “criminology activism” on these issues. The first approach is for criminologists to counter the cultures of denial and normalization that usually cover state crimes. The second involves contesting the global corporate capitalist system and the power of the American capitalist state in an effort to achieve specific progressive policy reforms and structural changes in the global political economy. Finally, criminologists can work to enhance the democratization of the international political community and strengthen the ability of specific international legal institutions to control state crimes.     

Ordering Iraq: Reflections on Power, Discourse, & Neocolonialism

Several years into the occupation of Iraq, there remain questions as to that nation’s relative sovereignty. Given the degree of political, economic, and military control by the US government, numerous commentators characterize Iraq as a neocolonial state. Indeed, the design for nation-building has been firmly established by external rather than internal forces; those developments invite closer scrutiny into the nature of power in a post-9/11 world. Accordingly, this critique sets out to explore the conceptual underpinnings of neocolonialism by turning critical attention to discourse and biopower shaping the reconstruction of Iraq. The analysis similarly attends to state crime, especially controversial economic tactics banned under international and federal laws. So as to contextualize those violations within a broader social and legal framework, the discussion considers the significance of states of exception and institutionalized impunity. Foucault’s writings figure prominently among these reflections on order, governmentality, and power. Nonetheless, in an effort to contribute to a wider theoretical agenda for critical criminology, the article also draws on other interdisciplinary sources, including Agamben (State of exception, 2005), Gregory (The colonial present: Afghanistan, Palestine, Iraq, 2004) and Hardt and Negri (Empire, 2001; Multitude: War and democracy in the age of empire, 2004).

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Between Constitutional Mo(nu)ments: Memorialising Past,Present and Future at the District Six Museum and Constitution Hill

This article explores the powers and potentialities of imaginations of political community at the site of the museum in contemporary South Africa. Taking the District Six Museum (Cape Town) and Constitution Hill (Johannesburg) as the empirical backdrop, I explore the ways in which memorialising practices at these sites bolster or deflate the exaltation of the post-1996 constitutional moment. This argument aligns closely with contemporary discussions by South African constitutional theorists about the role of monumentalism and counter-monumentalism. Indeed, I argue that memorialising techniques employed at the District Six Museum offer a practice of memory-making that resists the fixed and limited boundaries proffered by the new South African constitutional discourse exalted at Constitution Hill. However, my critique does not include a call for a reform of the latter. Instead, I argue that the continuation of monumental memory practices at Constitution Hill, in juxtaposition to counter-monumental practices at District Six, serves a key role in revealing the limits of fixed notions of law and subjectivity in imagining past and future political communities. Drawing on Antonio Negri’s concept of constituent power, I argue that the juxtaposition of monumental and counter-monumental memorial practices exposes the illusion of the division between transcendent Power (potestas) and immanent power (potentia). Finally, I turn to Emilios Christodoulidis’ conception of ‘strategies of rupture’ to consider ways in which this contradiction might be made to ‘persist’ through the site of the museum. Indeed, if the goal is to illuminate the illusion of transcendent power, the juxtaposition of memorialising practices between the two sites (a museological form of ‘tapping of contradiction’) may serve as a platform for the truth of constituent power to be realised.     

The Past Does Not Repeat Itself,but It Rhymes: The Second Coming of the Liberal Anti‐Court Movement

The last ten years have witnessed the reemergence of fears of judicial power among scholars on the left. This renewed “Anti‐Court” movement includes the minimalism of Cass Sunstein, the popular constitutionalism of Mark Tushnet and Larry Kramer, and the bipartisan judicial restraint of Jeffrey Rosen. This essay traces the origin, development, and implications of this movement, noting its particular ties to historic trends in the academy: the Legal Process School, critical theory, and the positivist work of Gerald Rosenberg and Michael Klarman. The essay also considers the movement's preference for majoritarian politics—a partiality borne of dissatisfaction with the Rehnquist Court, but also, conversely, recognition of the failures of conservative attempts at policy making. The essay concludes by considering the ambitions of these scholars to develop a truly apolitical theory of judicial power. In light of the furious debate over the purported “minimalism” of John Roberts, severing theory from politics may prove impossible.     

Crime prevention in a communitarian society: Bang-jiao and tiao-jie in the people's Republic of China

This paper examines two important strategies of community crime prevention in contemporary Chinese society: bang-jiao and tiao-jie. Bang-jiao refers to community efforts to reintegrate offenders into the community. Tiao-jie refers to community groups designed to resolve disputes among neighbors and family members, and in doing so, to reduce crime. We describe these strategies, discuss their philosophical underpinnings, and identify the features of Chinese society that support their implementation. We also explore their effectiveness with survey data from a sample of offenders in Tianjin, China. Our empirical analyses suggest that bang-jiao and tiao-jie may indeed be important structural mechanisms for crime control in a communitarian society.