共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Ryan L. Claassen 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):369-390
To date, most models of policy motivated campaign participation claim participation derives from the intensity or extremism
of one’s policy views. I approach the policy motivation differently, generalizing the logic of proximity voting to model policy
motivated campaign participation. Modeling participation as a function of extremism captures the activist’s policy preferences
and suggests those with strong preferences participate more, while modeling participation as a function of proximity captures
both the activist’s policy preferences and the relevant comparisons to the positions of the candidates. Noting the two alternatives
lead to different predictions about variation in individual participation beyond turnout (e.g. campaign activities), I find
consistent support for a proximity model of activism and I find no independent effect of extremism once I control for proximity.
Moreover, the proximity model’s predictions about ideological responsiveness to changes in the candidates’ locations over
time prove robust, while predictions based solely on ideological extremism do not.
相似文献
Ryan L. ClaassenEmail: |
2.
Over the past few decades, a gender gap has emerged in the mass public in ideological self-placement. While most men and women
moved in the conservative direction, another segment of women retained their liberal self-identifications. A gender gap also
exists in how men and women define their ideology. Which issues are linked to ideological identities is conditioned by gender
and time period. Finally, ideological identities are structure by nonpolitical values as well as political issues. Religiosity
and religious beliefs have come to increasingly shape Americans’ ideological identities, with some differences across the
two sexes.
相似文献
Clyde WilcoxEmail: |
3.
The paper provides a test of Zaller’s reception and acceptance model. The theory describes conditions under which a political
message is received, and, if received, accepted or rejected. The study deals with the 1988 Canadian election that was fiercely
fought over one central issue, the Free Trade Accord with the United States. We use the 1988 Canadian Election Study campaign
rolling cross-section survey, and we test Zaller’s propositions about who is most likely to receive and then accept party
messages. Our findings provide little support for the model. We suggest that when an issue is hotly debated in an election
campaign voters who receive party messages are able to connect these messages to their values and predispositions whatever
their level of political awareness.
相似文献
André BlaisEmail: |
4.
5.
Diqing Lou 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):167-190
This paper is interested in the decline of congressional voting in urban China. Classic studies in comparative politics long
argue that with economic development, countries would experience increased level of political participation. Employing the
1993 Social Mobility and Social Change Survey and 2002 Asian Barometer Survey, I found congressional voting in urban China
declined substantially in the past decade. With the analyses of the Probit Model and Generalized Linear Model, I contributed
this decline to the disappearance of sociopolitical institutions that used to serve critical conduits for citizens’ participation.
I argue that although economic development produces more resources to encourage participation, overall political participation
actually declines in urban China and the public opts to withdraw from politics.
Dr. Diqing Lou is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Potical Science at Rider University. Her main area of research is comparative politics, especially Chinese politics, with a focus on political participation, political representation and development of civil society. 相似文献
Diqing LouEmail: |
Dr. Diqing Lou is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Potical Science at Rider University. Her main area of research is comparative politics, especially Chinese politics, with a focus on political participation, political representation and development of civil society. 相似文献
6.
This paper draws on an original survey and on the 2004 NES to explore the complexity of contemporary American conservatism.
In both datasets, we find evidence that economic and cultural conservatism stand as distinct strands of conservative attitudes.
The original survey also allows us to further explore the role of beliefs about the market in economic conservatism. In the
end, we find little support for either liberal hopes of fundamental ideological conflict among conservatives or conservative
hopes of ideological fusion. Instead, our data suggests that a particular type of ideological coexistence among economic and
cultural conservatives is the norm.
相似文献
Amy GanglEmail: |
7.
Decades of research suggests that campaign contact together with an advantageous socioeconomic profile increases the likelihood
of casting a ballot. Measurement and modeling handicaps permit a lingering uncertainty about campaign communication as a source
of political mobilization however. Using data from a uniquely detailed telephone survey conducted in a pair of highly competitive
2002 U.S. Senate races, we further investigate who gets contacted, in what form, and with what effect. We conclude that even
in high-profile, high-dollar races the most important determinant of voter turnout is vote history, but that holding this
variable constant reveals a positive effect for campaign communication among “seldom” voters, registered but rarely active
participants who—ironically—are less likely than regular or intermittent voters to receive such communication.
相似文献
E. Terrence JonesEmail: |
8.
Marc Bühlmann Wolfgang Merkel Lisa Müller Bernhard Weßels 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):114-122
Ohne Zusammenfassung
* Die vier Autor(inn)en arbeiten in einem gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des NCCR Democracy (vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds
finanziertes National Centre of Competence in Research: Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century) und des WZB an einem „Demokratiebarometer“ für die 30 OECD-Staaten, das die Ignoranz der 0-Varianz bei Polity und Freedom House aufkl?ren will.
相似文献
Marc Bühlmann (Corresponding author)Email: |
Wolfgang MerkelEmail: |
Lisa MüllerEmail: |
Bernhard We?elsEmail: |
9.
Hahrie C. Han 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):103-116
Although robust citizen participation is fundamental to a healthy democracy, we still lack a clear sense of how to motivate
participation. This paper presents the results of an experimental study designed to see if the content of political appeals
matters in motivating participation. Previous research in this area has had mixed results. This paper finds that political
appeals that include some self-disclosure about the person making the request triggers a liking heuristic that causes subjects
to be more likely to comply with a request for action. Subjects receiving the treatment appeal are significantly more likely
to donate money to support a political cause.
相似文献
Hahrie C. HanEmail: |
10.
Howard J. Silver 《Society》2008,45(5):422-424
The policy issues confronting the new administration in 2009 can benefit greatly from the results of social, behavioral, and
economic sciences research. Climate change, energy, human capital, social, capital, migration, public health, fairness, new
technologies, and foreign and defense policy are all issues that the research has addressed. The participation of social scientists
in the policy process will enhance the contributions of the research.
相似文献
Howard J. SilverEmail: |
11.
The study aims to extend the existing knowledge about the dynamics of first-time participation in protest events. To tackle
that puzzle we rely on extensive and innovative protest survey evidence covering 18 separate demonstrations in eight countries
across nine different issues. On the individual level, age, motivation, and non-organizational mobilization appear to be consistent
and robust predictors of first-timership. On the aggregate level, demonstrations staged just after or during a protest wave,
large demonstrations, and demonstrations of old or new emotional movements are attended by a relatively larger share of first-timers.
We conclude that it is thus the interplay of individual- and aggregate-level determinants that produces first-time participation.
相似文献
Stefaan WalgraveEmail: |
12.
Political behavior is triggered by the presence of a variety of material and cognitive resources, including political efficacy.
The dominant view conceptualizes efficacy as capital, used to overcome obstacles to participation. Our theory suggests that
unlike other resources, efficacy aids in the development of habitual participation by activating a particular negative emotion,
anger. Using the 1990–1992 NES Panel, we find that internal efficacy boosts participation in part by facilitating anger, but
not fear, in response to policy threats. This partial mediating effect operates primarily among younger citizens who are in
the process of developing the habit of participation. External efficacy, because it is not self-referential, is not causally
linked to participation via emotions. Finally, internal efficacy is enhanced by successful participation in politics, closing
a feedback loop that helps explain participatory habits.
相似文献
Nicholas A. ValentinoEmail: |
13.
Does Workplace Experience Enhance Political Participation? A Critical Test of a Venerable Hypothesis
Per Adman 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):115-138
Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis
put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic
decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative
panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation
was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional
data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance
of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.
相似文献
Per AdmanEmail: |
14.
The authors comment on an earlier aritice in Society by Eugene Goodheart and offer a novel hypothesis about the origins of
religion.
相似文献
Lionel Tiger (Corresponding author)Email: |
15.
Eileen R. Meehan 《Society》2008,45(4):338-341
Tourism has long figured in municipal and state-wide plans for economic development and revitalization. Such plans often articulate
themes subsequently used to organize tours, advertising campaigns, and merchandising. In the 1990s, some residents of Roswell,
New Mexico, tried to build tourism using typical southwestern themes. Others capitalized on Roswell’s unique association with
an alleged crash of an extraterrestrial craft. Early support from the New Mexico Tourism Department (NMTD) facilitated the
success of Roswell’s UFO-based tourism. In 2007, NMTD launched its own alien-based advertising campaign promoting New Mexico
as a tourist destination.
相似文献
Eileen R. MeehanEmail: |
16.
David Popenoe 《Society》2009,46(5):429-436
Non-marital cohabitation has become widespread in modern, Western nations. It has led to dramatic declines in marriage rates
and contributed to high levels of unwed births and lone-parent families, thus negatively affecting child wellbeing.
相似文献
David PopenoeEmail: |
17.
Jennifer L. Merolla 《Political Behavior》2009,31(3):379-399
While theoretical work on strategic voting emphasizes the importance of elite messages in persuading minor party supporters
to abandon their first preference, few empirical studies have examined this relationship. I argue that while poll results
certainly increase the likelihood of changing one’s vote, explicit information signals can increase this probability even
more. Furthermore, these effects will be moderated by the presence of a counter message and the sponsor of the explicit information
signal. These hypotheses are tested with data generated from two experiments.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
相似文献
Jennifer L. MerollaEmail: |
18.
Measuring Exposure to Political Advertising in Surveys 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Daniel Stevens 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):47-72
Research on the influence of negative political advertising in America is characterized by fundamentally conflicting findings.
In recent years, however, survey research using estimates of exposure based on a combination of self-reported television viewing
habits and Campaign Media Analysis Group data (a database of all advertisements broadcast on national and cable television
in the top 75 media markets) has argued that exposure to negative political advertising boosts interest in the campaign and
turnout. This paper examines the measurement properties of self-reports of television viewing. I argue that the errors from
common survey formats may both be nonrandom and larger than previously acknowledged. The nonrandom error is due to the tendency
of politically knowledgeable individuals to be more sensitive to question format. Thus the inferences drawn about the relationship
between political knowledge, exposure to negative ads, and political behavior are also sensitive to the measures used to estimate
exposure. I demonstrate, however, that one commonly used measure of exposure—the log of estimated exposure—is not only more
theoretically defensible but also alleviates some of the more serious problems due to measurement error.
相似文献
Daniel StevensEmail: |
19.
Charlotta Stern 《Society》2009,46(2):110-118
Historically, European economists, compared to their American counterpart, were more involved in public discussions of policy.
In this paper it is argued that this has likely changed. The chief reasons seem to involve the European imitation of the academic
ethos that is more prevalent in America. Features of this academic ethos include a more formalist orientation in graduate
programs and an academic incentive system wherein professional journal publication is paramount and public discourse is relatively
devalued. I suggest there is an inescapable ideological dilemma in addressing the costs and benefits of professors’ neglect
of public discourse. The ideological character of academics compared with our own political sensibilities affect whether we
want academics to influence public discourse or not. I use the history of academics as public intellectuals in Sweden to substantiate
the change, and I use new data on Swedish social science academics to see whether those who participate in public discourse
tend to have certain political and social views.
相似文献
Charlotta SternEmail: |
20.
Costas Panagopoulos 《Political Behavior》2008,30(4):455-467
Compulsory voting laws have consistently been demonstrated to boost electoral participation. Despite the widespread presence
of compulsory voting and the significant impact these laws appear to have on voting behavior, surprisingly little effort has
been devoted to analyzing how mandatory voting alters the decision-making calculus of individual voters in these systems.
Moreover, studies that investigate the influence of compulsory voting laws on electoral participation generally treat these
policies monolithically, with scant attention to the nuances that differentiate mandatory voting laws across systems and to
their consequences for voting rates. Analyses that explicitly and empirically examine the effects of penalties and enforcement
are surprisingly rare. This study aims to fill that void by adapting rational choice models of participation in elections
for compulsory voting systems. I find that the level of penalties countries impose for non-compliance and the degree of penalty
enforcement impact turnout rates. Voters in mandatory voting systems abstain least when both the penalties and the likelihood
of enforcement are high, and abstain most when both meaningless.
相似文献
Costas PanagopoulosEmail: |