新华侨华人的职业结构及其影响因素——美国与加拿大的比较

本文用人口社会学理论分析了美国和加拿大新华侨华人的职业结构及影响因素.文章认为,20世纪70年代后进入美国和加拿大的华人应被视为新华侨华人.目前,海外华侨华人大约3500万,美国华人有330万,加拿大华裔有120万.美国和加拿大新增加的华人人口中,新华侨华人约占2/3.加拿大的新华侨华人主要集中在大城市,其中70%以上集中在多伦多、温哥华.19世纪至20世纪60年代美国华人移民基本上集中在西海岸地区,从1970年开始,华人集中而居的状况开始发生变化,区域分散化趋势日渐明显.美国和加拿大新华侨华人的职业结构总体上发生了巨大的变化,即由体力型向智力型转变,新华侨华人的经济地位也随之提高了很多.但是,新华侨华人中贫富差别严重.影响新华侨华人职业结构的因素有:美、加、中三国移民政策的调整放宽了对移民出入境的限制;华人人口结构发生的变化影响了其职业结构;知识结构的变化和劳动力市场也对新华侨华人职业结构产生了不可忽视的影响.     

菲律宾的华侨华人研究现状及其思考

20世纪80年代中期之后,菲律宾国内的华侨华人研究进入了一个新的历史性发展时期.本文首先介绍20世纪80年代末以来菲律宾从事华侨华人研究的主要作者群与研究机构.其次,从政治认同和社会融合、华文教育与文化传承、华人经济成长、中国新移民等视角,阐述菲律宾华侨华人研究的主要领域及有代表性的成果.再次,在文献研究和实地调研的基础上,透视支撑菲律宾华侨华人研究的社会现实基础,探索促进研究重心与特点变化的深层缘由.最后,提出菲律宾华侨华人问题研究所存在的问题及其思考.     

大洋洲华侨华人研究综述

当前,大洋洲地区逐渐成为改革开放后中国大陆居民主要的移民选择地之一。随着大洋洲华侨华人研究工作的逐步深入,这一领域已取得了较为丰硕的成果,本综述梳理和评述了有关大洋洲华人史的演进脉络与华人社会的经济、教育、文化、政治等方面的论著。大洋洲华侨华人研究总体上可以分为三个阶段:鸦片战争至二次大战前为第一阶段;二次大战后至20世纪70年代末为第二阶段;70年代末以来为第三阶段。纵观大洋洲华侨华人研究,还存在三个方面的不足:(1)研究力量有待加强;(2)经过深入研究并有一定理论深度的专著较少;(3)对大洋洲不同国家华侨华人的研究程度明显不平衡。     

南太平洋岛国华侨华人的历史与现状初探

南太平洋群岛在中国统一战略、发展战略中占有重要的位置。自19世纪中叶开始便有华人定居在南太平洋群岛，形成小型华商中心。至今，华人足迹遍布南太平洋岛国，而且不断有新的华人移民涌入。本文从华人移民史、社会经济状况、华社、华文教育、政治参与等几个方面论述南太平洋岛国华侨华人的概况。     

佐科维执政初期印尼华人社会状况初探

印尼总统佐科维自2014年10月上台以来,重视与中国发展政治与经贸关系,与中国缔结全面战略伙伴关系。在族群政策方面,他采用公平对待各族裔、各宗教的政策,继续改善包括华人在内的少数族裔的地位,华人的政治参与、经济参与和社会文化权利都有所提升。在此背景下,外界认为印尼华人正处在历史的最佳时期。但在较好的现状和光明的前景下,依然存在影响华人生存状况的隐忧。印尼经济发展疲软、政府控制力偏弱以及歧视华人的社会基础深厚,是造成隐忧频现的原因。如果佐科维政府的经济改革仍不奏效,政府对社会现状持续失控,针对华人的大规模骚乱事件仍将有可能发生。     

非洲华侨华人生存状况及其与当地族群关系

当代中非关系的全面提升带来了双边民间交往的快速发展,越来越多的中国人去非洲工作、留学和生活。目前非洲华侨华人已达百万人之多,主要分为三种类型:劳工移民、创业移民和过境移民。他们在农业开发、基础设施建设和加工零售等各行业日益活跃,为非洲的经济社会发展作出了重要贡献,从而得到大部分非洲民众的普遍认可与欢迎。但与此同时,华侨华人自身封闭的生活习惯,西方媒体的煽风点火,以及所在国的政治和党派斗争都阻碍了华侨华人积极有效地融入当地社会,从而为自己埋下了安全隐患。因此,非洲华侨华人也面临着自己的生存困境,以及如何妥善处理与当地族群关系的问题。     

问题与方法:略论王赓武先生的海外华人研究

作为海外华人研究的重要奠基人和开拓者,王赓武先生主要是从历史学的角度对华侨华人进行了研究;在对华侨华人的历史研究中,他十分强调对华人移民生活背景的分析,从文化的角度对华侨华人进行分析是其主要特色。王赓武先生的华侨华人研究主要研究了三个问题,即中国和移居国的政策对华人移民的影响、华人移民对中国和移居国的认同、华人对中国发展的贡献。王赓武先生的华侨华人研究,不仅给我们提供了关于华侨华人的具体知识,更主要是给我们提供了一种研究方向和方法的启示。     

八十年代以来印尼政府的华侨、华人政策对华人经济的影响

八十年代以来印尼政府的华侨、华人政策对华人经济的影响王望波８０年代以来，印尼政府的华侨、华人政策有了一些重大的转变，有利于华人经济的发展。而华人经济作用的发挥，也推动了当地民族经济的繁荣。一、国籍政策对华人经济的影响１９７８年以后，国际形势发生了重大...     

印尼华人的民族权利与华文教育问题

2006年7月,印度尼西亚国会通过的争议多年的新<国籍法>,取消了已存在半个多世纪的在印尼国籍问题上带有族群歧视性的条款.新<国籍法>不仅为包括华人在内的印尼外来族群获得平等的生存权利提供了法律上的保障,而且也为印尼华文教育的发展带来了新的曙光.本文试从印尼华人民族权利的角度出发,分析探讨印尼华文教育多样性发展的可能前景,希冀能够抛砖引玉,引发更多关于印尼华文教育可持续发展的思考和讨论.     

华侨秘密会社的演变及社会实质

华侨秘密会社在海外的建立同华人移民迁移海外有密切的关系.海外华侨秘密会社先在东南亚地区出现,后来随着华人向世界其它地区迁移,华侨秘密会社便在美国、加拿大、澳大利亚、古巴等地陆续建立起来.海外华侨秘密会社具有人数众多、与中国本土联系紧密、主要从事经济活动和内部的帮派性等特点.从19世纪末至20世纪初,华侨秘密会社发生了演变.华侨秘密会社的社会实质是:它不仅是一个多层次的社会组织,也是男性型和特殊的小圈子联合体,而且还被确认为是一种社会的反抗组织.     

路在何方?——印尼华人社会的现状与未来

】１９９８ 年５ 月印尼发生社会大骚乱,华人成为袭击对象,生命和财产遭受严重损失,印尼局势的发展和华人出路成为人们关注的焦点。正确看待印尼华人的几个热点问题,即关于华人控制印尼经济的争论,华人同化和印尼排华问题,有助于印尼社会的稳定和华人的生存与发展     

Imagining globalisation: The world and nation in Chinese communist party ideology

The study of migrant workers in Hong Kong has given attention to Filipinas. There has been just one published study of Thais in Hong Kong, despite the fact that they are a significant minority, and about half of them are domestic workers. This article presents the results of a survey of Thai workers, assessing a range of issues: scale of migration for work, remittances, roles and aspirations in Hong Kong, and perceptions of work. The survey indicated that the Thais interviewed were reasonably satisfied with their life in Hong Kong. While most are involved in “low status” activities, Thais appear to do better than Indonesian migrant workers in terms of the wages and conditions they achieve, and report less abuse. In broader terms, migrant labour is one option amongst many for working class Thais seeking better incomes but seldom achieving upward class mobility].     

印尼华人融入当地主流社会的现状、挑战和发展趋势

印尼华人已逐步融入当地主流社会,主要表现在政治上认同印尼为自己的祖国,经济上成为当地民族经济的重要组成部分,社会文化上虽保持华族文化传统习俗但已逐步当地化.尽管如此,华族仍然面临诸多挑战,只有印尼政府执行正确的民族政策,当地社会改变对华人的偏见,华人更积极主动地融入主流社会,中国政府严格区分印尼华人与华侨,这样才能促进印尼华人更快融入当地主流社会.     

UNDOCUMENTED INDONESIAN WORKERS IN MACAU

Presenting new research findings on undocumented Indonesian migrant workers in Macau, this article explicates the dovetailing arrangements between public and private sector interests that are systemically creating undocumented labor migration flows. It then shows how these arrangements are structurally inherent in the mutual competitiveness of globalizing nodes of wealth creation. Undocumented migration cheapens production costs and results in a flexible black market of vulnerable, right-less, and exploited workers. Contrary to illusions of an urbanizing Asia with expanding spaces for civil liberties, the development of globally competitive megacities, built and supported by low-skilled migrant workers, rests on a global underclass of transient workers who bear the human costs of transience and labor flexibility, enabling megacities to externalize such costs and enhance their global competitiveness. The article analyzes the vulnerabilities of undocumented Indonesian workers in the context of Macau's rapid economic development as an aspiring megacity The Macau government's laissez-faire tolerance of such workers is grounded in its need for human labor that is abundant, cheap, marginal, and disposable. The flow of Indonesian migrant workers into Macau is linked to Hong Kong's exclusionary immigration policies, which aim at extricating surplus migrant labor. Meanwhile, the Indonesian government refuses responsibility for its migrant workers in Macau because Macau is not recognized as an official destination. The article shows how public and private interests motivate increasing numbers of migrants to become undocumented overstayers in Macau, as they try to avoid oppressive practices in labor migration from Indonesia and the exclusionary policies of Hong Kong.     

试析美国华侨华人重视自身研究的意义——电视纪录片《飘在美国》引发的思考

本文试对12集电视纪录片《飘在美国》所反映出的当代美国华侨华人重视自身研究的现象进行分析,阐述了华侨华人重视自身研究的意义。文章认为,华侨华人重视自身的研究,对于促进中西文化交流、增强民族认同意识、加强与主流社会的沟通、增进各族群之间的了解,乃至改善国际关系、构建“持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界”具有十分深远的意义。     

The PRC,Taiwan, and the overseas Chinese

The rapid growth of China’s economy and its opening to the outside world have attracted a large volume of trade and investment from Hong Kong and Taiwan, creating an economic grouping with a total foreign trade in 1992 almost equal to that of Japan. The economic linkage of this “Greater China” with Southeast Asia’s overseas Chinese communities is steadily growing and will continue to do so for the rest of the decade, barring a sharp drop in the PRC’s growth rate, which seems unlikely.     

A critical note on UNDP's gender inequality indices

This article explains the diverse responses among the Chinese bourgeoisie in Hong Kong and Singapore to Chinese nationalist movements in the 1930s. In Singapore, the slogan of “Chinese buy Chinese goods” boosted the Chinese bourgeoisie in their business competition with Japan. The same slogan was used by the Chinese bourgeoisie in Hong Kong to emphasize increased sales of Chinese goods while Japanese imports were used by Chinese manufacturers in Hong Kong. I also interpret Chinese bourgeois nationalism in Hong Kong and Singapore as a move toward transnational economic citizenship. Emphasising their Chinese ethnicity, the bourgeoisie in Hong Kong and Singapore asked the Chinese government for favourable import tariffs. At the same time, the bourgeoisie requested the British for favourable tariffs, when they wished to export goods to markets in Britain and its colonies.     

Citizenship,economy and social exclusion of mainland Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong

Hong Kong is often viewed as a Chinese immigrants' city. This article discusses three interrelated dimensions of the social exclusion of migrants designated as “new” Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong. First, it is argued that globalisation has triggered intense economic rivalry among world cities as they undertake economic restructuring. Second, the political attempts of territorial states to establish their own legitimacy and strengthen their governing capacity are major catalysts that induce the social exclusion of immigrants. Third, the nature and strength of local place-based social identity is vital to determine the difficulties new immigrants face in being included in the host society. After recounting the history of Chinese immigrants and their recent profile in Hong Kong, the article examines the relationships between Hong Kong's economic development and the state's immigration policies, and how Hong Kong's state policies have constructed a form of Hong Kong identity vis-à-vis Mainland Chinese, drawing out the mechanisms that determine the social exclusion of Mainland immigrants since the 1990s.

“We asked for workers but human beings came.” Max Frisch(quoted in Hollifield,2000:149)     

Cross-Border Families in Hong Kong: The Role of Social Class and Politics

The massive relocation of industrial activities from Hong Kong to mainland China that followed in the wake of China's acceptance of foreign investment has given rise to two different sets of cross-border familial relations. In the first case, middle-class managers and technicians from Hong Kong have taken “second wives” during their stay in southern China. Hong Kong's mass media have been generally tolerant of this second-wife phenomenon, seeing it merely as a case of funglau (sexually potency), justifying it in terms of middle-class men's “soft spot,” and blaming the first wives for neglecting their duties. In the second case, workers from Hong Kong have crossed into the mainland in search of spouses because they believe that women in China are more affordable than those in Hong Kong. Hong Kong's restrictive immigration policies result in these mainland wives and children having to wait for ten years or more before receiving a one-way permit to migrate to Hong Kong. When they do arrive in Hong Kong, they have been discriminated against and condemned as causing Hong Kong's social and economic problems. This article examines how social class and politics have affected the way in which the mass media and the Hong Kong government have dealt with these two sets of cross-border families.