论大学新生自主学习能力的培养

由于受中学应试教育的影响,大学新生的英语自主学习能力普遍较差,大学英语教师可以通过更新教学观念,帮助学生设立学习目标、制订学习计划,加强学习方法和策略的指导,培养自主学习的习惯和为学生构建良好的外语学习环境等来培养他们的自主学习能力。     

基于网络环境的行业英语自主学习研究

探索网络环境下的英语教学模式,积极培养学生的自主学习能力是大学英语教学的核心问题。网络环境下的英语教学不仅仅是传授知识,更重要的是培养学生的自主学习能力。本文对网络环境下行业英语自主学习情况进行了研究,提出了网络环境下学生自主学习行业英语的现状及存在的问题,并提出改善对策,以提高大学生自主学习行业英语的效果。     

四、六级机考对大学英语教学的导向作用

四、六级机考是整个大学英语教学改革的组成部分,是基于网络的大学英语教学模式改革的自然结果。机考重在检测学生的英语综合应用能力。机考的推行,对改革中的大学英语教学发挥着新的导向作用。机考背景下的课堂教学应更加注重培养学生的英语综合应用能力,特别是听、说能力。教师要更加注重培养学生自主学习的能力,为学生搭建自主学习的平台,提供更多的实践机会。     

大学英语自主学习能力的研究

伴随着大学英语改革步伐的加快以及互联网与教育之间的融合,语言学家们开始意识到自主学习能力对于学生在学习语言过程中的重要性。所以,在日常的英语教学活动中,英语教师应当将培养学生的自主学习能力作为教学任务之一。主要对可能会影响学生的自主学习能力的因素进行分析,并有针对性地提出了相应的培养策略,以期能够帮助学生提高其自主学习能力,使其能在英语学习中获得更加长足的进步。     

在研究型大学英语教学中激发自主学习

大学英语教学不能仅局限于单词、句型和语法知识的传授和记忆上,而应将重点放在教会学生学习英语的方法、激发他们今后继续学习的动机。研究型教学理念在融入高校专业课教学之后进入到大学英语教学实践当中,这更有利用培养学生的自主学习能力。     

网络教学对英语校园文化建设的影响

网络教学的发展促进着英语校园文化的建设,它可以作为校园文化建设的辅助。网络教学平台可以引导校园文化特别是精神文化朝着积极、健康的方向发展,为多元英语校园文化添砖加瓦。网络英语校园文化和现实英语校园文化相结合,可以使学生更充分地接触英语,自主学习的自由度增大,良好的学习环境能够培养出学生的创造性思维,提高学生的综合素质。     

基于英语学习策略的大学自主学习模式研究

培养学生的学习自主性是现代教育目标的需要,是学生各项能力综合发展的保证,是进行大学英语教学改革的关键。以大学英语自主学习模式为目标,以英语学习策略,特别是元认知策略为研究途径,对学生进行英语学习策略培训,提高学生的元认知能力,从而提高其自主学习能力,提出一种适合大学生英语自主学习的模式,旨在从根本上解决大学生英语学习效率低,投入大产出少的问题,最终为学生终身学习和继续发展奠定基础。     

网络多媒体在大学英语阅读教学中的应用研究

网络多媒体为大学英语阅读教学提供了重要的方法和手段。笔者通过对哈尔滨医科大学98名非英语专业本科学生进行的实证分析证实:网络多媒体教学比传统教学更能激发学生的英语阅读兴趣并能够有效地提高学生的英语阅读能力。建议要通过合理地选择阅读材料、发挥网络互动优势、建立科学的评估体系,从而激发学生的英语阅读兴趣,促进大学英语教学整体水平的提高。     

大学英语多媒体教学在建构主义下的策略研究

随着计算机技术的迅猛发展和网络资源的普及,多媒体教学已经越来越成为大学英语课堂教学的一种重要形式。但是信息技术本身并不是万能的灵丹妙药,在大学英语多媒体教学中陆续出现了一些问题。而建构主义强调学生对知识的主动探索,强调学生对所学知识意义的主动建构。针对本校大学英语多媒体教学的建议:提升教师自身的综合素质;合理设计课堂教学,有效实现课堂外互动;培养学生的自主学习的能力;结合传统教学,提升教学质量。     

突破哑巴英语的英语交际教学法

传统的英语教学弱化了学生实际语言运用能力的培养,开展交际教学法是摆脱哑巴英语行之有效的途径。从设置真实场景、师生英语交际、加强阅读能力等三个方面阐释交际法教学过程,结合加强听力训练、培养英语思维能力等方面论述培养学生交际能力的途径。认为交际教学法能达到激发了学生学习积极性、使语言即学即用、加强学生学习英语的信心的作用,能体现出交际教学法旨在培养学生英语语言交际能力这一宗旨。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.