沦WTO成员对华适用替代国制度的国际法依据与中国的应对之策

中国入世后，WTO进口成员依然对华适用替代国政策，其主要国际法依据是《中国入世议定书》和GATTl994附件9关于第6条第1款的注释与补充的第2点规定。由于二者的模糊性使得WTO进口成员可以随意地以其国内法对华适用替代国，因此中国政府和出口商要转变思路以新的策略应对替代国制度。     

规范反倾销中的替代国选择 寻找解决非市场经济地位情况下的反倾销出路

在反倾销调查中,一说到替代国的选择,大家通常会认为替代国肯定对中国企业不利。笔者认为,我们是否试着将精力转移一下,从替代国的选择和应用入手,解决当前所遇到的困难。一、WTO与欧盟反倾销法中的替代国制度国中国中从WTO的多边规则上找不到有关替代国的规定,真正出现替代国的概念则仅见于中国入世议定书中的工作报告。在这里我们注意到,对选择替代国提出了这样的条     

论WTO成员对华适用替代国制度的国际法依据与中国的应对之策

中国入世后,WTO进口成员依然对华适用替代国政策,其主要国际法依据是<中国入世议定书>和GATT1994附件9关于第6条第1款的注释与补充的第2点规定.由于二者的模糊性使得WTO进口成员可以随意地以其国内法对华适用替代国,因此中国政府和出口商要转变思路以新的策略应对替代国制度.     

论《中国入世议定书》与WTO多边贸易协定的关系——从“中国稀土案”上诉机构报告切入

“中国稀土案”的上诉机构报告显示,作为双边协定的《中国入世议定书》,因为《马拉喀什建立世界贸易组织协定》第12条和以该第12条为依据的《中国入世议定书》第1.2条而成为《马拉喀什建立世界贸易组织协定》及其附件多边贸易协定的组成部分,从而具有了多边属性。议定书与多边贸易协定在谈判主体和过程、体系、内容等方面既有联系又有区别,《中国入世议定书》的解释在依循《维也纳条约法公约》解释规则的同时,需要更多地考虑缔约过程,并结合相应的WTO多边贸易协定规则进行解释。当议定书对某一事项有特别规定时,应当首先适用议定书,再整体适用对同一事项做了规定的多边贸易协定,而不限于该议定书条款所提及的多边贸易协定具体条款。部长级会议和总理事会可以通过决议的方式明确《中国入世议定书》与WTO多边贸易协定的法律关系和适用方法。     

试论特定产品过渡性保障机制——对中国入世谈判不同草案之评析

“特定产品过渡性保障机制”是中国加入WTO所作出的特殊承诺,其法律依据是《中国入世议定书》。该议定书历经1994、1997年两个版本,并以《中美入世双边协议》相关条款为参照,于2001年11月10日最终形成。本文以《中国入世议定书》的不同草案为主线,论述中国和WTO其他成员在入世谈判中的相互博弈和利益权衡,从更深的层次来剖析现行特保机制背后的政治因素和立法背景。     

入世与我国司法审查制度的重新定位

中国加入WTO以后，法律制度上面临最大挑战之一将是司法审查制度。我国行政诉讼法与WTO中司法审查制度有许多一致的地方，同时也存在不少差距和问题。我国加入WTO意味着我国必须按照自己的承诺接受WTO的一系列规则，适应WTO的规则。《中国入世议定书》第2条(D)段对司法审查作出了下列承诺：1．我国承诺的司法     

正确认识特保措施 加快调整产业结构

特保措施是特定产品过度性保障机制和特殊保障措施的简称。我国应注意《中国入世议定书》的规定,正确的理解并运用针对中国的特别保障措施条款,对保障我国的经济利益是异常重要的。     

论我国反倾销立法的几点完善

随着我国的对外贸易和进出口总额快速增长,我国面临着来自外国产品倾销的严重态势。乌拉圭回合多边贸易谈判达成的WTO《反倾销协议》,作为世界贸易组织允许的实行贸易救济的手段之一,被认为是国际反倾销法的一次重大革命,虽然它主要是以欧美等发达国家的反倾销立法为蓝本建立和发展起来的,但它在全球范围内的影响是深远的。中国根据WTO《反倾销协议》颁布了《中华人民共和国反倾销条例》(以下称《反倾销条例》)。但中国的反倾销法律制度,同欧美的反倾销制度相比,在设计上存在着许多缺陷与不足,本文将从"替代国价格""司法审查","反倾销规避"等方面对中国反倾销立法的修改和完善提出一定的建议。     

反倾销中的替代国制度及我国的应对措施

根据WTO的相关规定，非市场经济国家在接受反倾销调查时，必须使用替代国价格来确定正常价格。中国作为非市场经济国家，也必须适用替代国制度。随着中国出口经济的日益发展，许多贸易保护国滥用这项制度来抵制中国的出口产品，给我国的出口贸易带来了沉痛的打击。中国应该采取积极的措施来防治替代国制度的滥用，以及此项制度继续打击我国的企业。     

联合国《枪支议定书》与中国刑法的协调

20 0 2年 1 2月 9日 ,中国政府在纽约联合国总部签署了《联合国打击跨国有组织犯罪公约》所附的《关于打击非法制造和贩运枪支及其零部件和弹药的补充议定书》(简称《枪支议定书》) ,从而成为第 46个签署该议定书的国家。本文从《枪支议定书》与《公约》的关系、《枪支议定书》的内容、我国签署《枪支议定书》的背景及其对中国刑法发展的影响等方面着手 ,分析国际刑法对中国刑法的影响以及中国刑法与《枪支议定书》的协调和发展     

从美国启动201条款谈保障措施制度

美国于 2 0 0 2年 3月启动 2 0 1条款 ,对进口钢铁采取保障措施。包括中国、欧盟、日本等国及利益方在内的各国对此均作出了反应 ,各有关国纷纷要求与美国磋商 ,并向世贸组织申诉 ,有些国家还拉出了报复清单。此案是中国加入世贸组织后第一次利用世贸规则来解决贸易争端 ,具有重要的意义。     

风险与代价——《中国加入WTO议定书》中的特殊保障措施条款

《中国加入WTO议定书》中的第16条特殊保障措施条款,由于它的特殊性与其可能对中国经济和WTO法律体系造成的影响引起了广泛的关注和争议。该条款采取WTO体制所摒弃的选择性保障措施、“市场扰乱”、“灰色措施”等,而前所未有的“贸易转移”规则可能导致国际市场对中国关闭入口。该条款不仅可能扭曲国际贸易而对中国的经济带来灾难性的影响,而且会减损WTO机制的效力。我国必须设法尽可能地降低该条款的实行可能对中国经济的冲击。     

The Human Rights Clause in the European Union's External Trade and Development Agreements

Abstract: Since 1992, the European Union (EU) has included in all its agreements with third countries a clause defining respect for human rights and democracy as an ‘essential element’ of its external relationship. A Council decision of May 1995 spells out the basic modalities of this clause, with the aim of ensuring consistency in the text used and its application. The human rights clause is unique to the EU's bilateral agreements, and now applies to over 120 countries. It represents a new model for EU external relations as well as for international cooperation. The EU plays a leading role in the WTO and international economic relations. The human rights clause will have implications for the development of international rules concerning trade‐related human rights policy.     

加入WTO中国保险业面临的挑战和对策

中国是世界十大贸易国之一,在国际贸易的舞台上扮演着重要的角色。改革开放的中国需要世界,世界也离不开中国。加入世贸组织,参与经济全球化潮流是中国的必然选择。表面上"入世"不可避免地会给我国工业、农业、服务业诸产业带来冲击,更为深刻的是将发生在体制层面,尤其集中在经济贸易法律方面。着重阐述加入WTO以后中国保险业面临的挑战和对策。     

完善我国特保条款的对策及建议

中国《入世议定书》和《工作组报告书》中的"特殊保障措施条款"具有适用于中国的特定性、单向性与歧视性。在该条款的过渡期内,任一世贸组织进口成员都可以针对给其造成威胁或造成市场扰乱的某一中国出口产品提起"特保"立案申请,这在当今及今后将对我国出口贸易的发展产生较大的负面影响。本文在比较特殊保障措施与保障措施的基础上,对"特保"条款的相关内容进行了分析与评价,并提出了若干应对措施。     

China’s ten years in the wto: its performance and new challenges

Becoming a member of the WTO in 2001 was a historic event of great significance during the process of China’s reform and opening up. Since then, China has steadily pushed forward the reform and opening up policy, proactively seizing the opportunities of economic globalization and positively utilizing the multilateral trading system to develop economic and trade relations with other countries, all of which have contributed to the great economic and social achievements during the first decade of 21st century. However, there are different opinions on China’s futuristic role in the WTO, and those disagreements resulting from various interest preferences are not only one-sided and limited, but also triggering off the discussions on the criteria to assess China’s performance in the WTO. This article argues that China’s activities in the WTO (i.e., implementing WTO commitments, participating in the Doha Round negotiation, the dispute settlement and trade policy review) should be a kind of assessment criteria. Based on comprehensive observation of China’s performance in the WTO, it is concluded in this article that China’s participation in the WTO system and global trade governance extends the scope of world trade law, improves its effectiveness, constitutes China’s new contributions to implement treaty obligations in good faith, resolves peacefully international trade disputes, and maintains substantively the international rule of law. At the same time, it has not only caused new driving forces for international trading system, but also made China face new challenges in the WTO.     

The Case for a Multilateral Agreement on Competition Policy: A Developing Country Perspective

Although the issue of trade and competition policy has beendropped from the Work Programmes of the Doha Round of WorldTrade Organization (WTO) negotiations, it continues to be discussedin other fora and may return to the WTO after the completionof the Round. This article assesses the case for an agreementfrom the perspective of developing countries. It begins by reviewingthe ‘development dimension’ of the WTO debate andthen examines three specific antitrust issues that were of considerablerelevance to developing countries but were not pursued: exportcartels, anti-dumping and intellectual property rights (IPRs).There follows a critical assessment of the empirical and theoreticalarguments for the kind of agreement that was being advocatedto deal with international cartels. Alternative proposals, involvingdeveloping countries ‘outsourcing’ antitrust enforcementto developed countries, are also sceptically examined, as isthe relevance for developing countries of the kind of competitionpolicy that is currently in place in developed countries. Finally,a general approach to international trade agreements suggeststhat developing countries had nothing to gain from the proposalthat was on the table, and the article concludes by proposinga range of more suitable alternatives.     

Explaining energy disputes at the World Trade Organization

The international trade regime has seen an explosion of challenges to government support for renewable energy in recent years, yet fossil fuel subsidies, which dwarf renewable energy subsidies, have remained unchallenged. Existing explanations for this puzzling discrepancy have focused on four rationales: major fossil fuel exporters have not historically been members of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization (WTO); WTO subsidies rules are inadequate to deal with the specifics of the fossil fuel trade; nations have developed separate institutions to govern energy; and all states have fossil fuel subsidies, so a challenge to one country’s subsidies will prompt a reciprocal challenge. This article makes two contributions. First, it uses a survey of existing renewable energy trade disputes to critique the existing explanations. Most importantly, the article shows that the threat of reciprocal litigation exists in the renewable energy sector, and that WTO subsidies rules are rarely used to challenge renewable energy subsidies. Hence, neither the threat of reciprocal litigation nor the relative ease of applying WTO subsidies rules explains the discrepancy in the number of disputes. Second, the article hypothesizes that the economic diversification of energy-producing countries is correlated with and may drive whether energy-producing countries face WTO challenges to their energy support policies. Most major fossil fuel producers lack significant non-fossil fuel exports that could be restricted in order to induce them to reform their fossil fuel policies, the usual mechanism for enforcing a WTO judgment. States may also be more likely to challenge new, rather than long-standing, trade restrictions. This suggests that trade challenges will arise more frequently where innovation leads to competition and a demand for new trade restrictions (as in renewable energy), as opposed to in mature sectors of the economy (i.e., the fossil fuel industry). Economic diversification, in turn, is a good predictor of innovation.     

论中国环境标志法律制度的建立和完善

在世界贸易中,环境标志的实施有利于产品的销售,也有成为发达国家新的贸易壁垒的趋势,利用环境标志设置绿色壁垒已成为不可回避的环境标志制度问题,特别是WTO关于环境标志议题达成的共识对协调国际贸易的自由化和可持续发展具有重要意义,因此,本文旨在探讨中国环境保护政策为中国产品顺利进入国际市场方面的基础作用,并系统分析了WTO环境标志议题对中国的影响和面临的新的机遇及挑战,提出了充分利用WTO现行规制以完善中国环境标志制度、积极开展环境标志的国际合作和国际互认的法律措施以及促进贸易与环境协调发展的对策。     

全球金融危机后国际贸易制度的完善与中国的对策

现有的国际贸易制度是建立在第二次世界大战后的政治和经济格局之上的,主要反映了英美对战后国际贸易政策的想法与安排。随着参与国家或地区的增多,这一体制需要作出适当的调整,全球金融危机进一步强化了这一必要性。在国际贸易规则的完善过程中中国应当发挥积极的作用。中国的贸易额和人均产值决定了中国的微妙处境。成为发达国家与发展中国家之间的桥梁,发挥双边和多边体系的作用,应是中国促进国际贸易秩序完善的基本原则与做法。