共查询到19条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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"权力产生腐败,绝对权力产生绝对腐败"已成为不争的真理,可见腐败现象是客观存在的,它是从公权力产生之日起就相伴而生的,所以腐败本身并不可怕。但法官腐败又与其他腐败不同,司法一直以来被视为保障公民权利的最后一道屏障,司法的公正与独立是公民对一个政府的信任底线。本文从解析司法腐败的成因入手,有针对性地探究根治司法腐败的有效路径,同时对中国司法制度建议发表了相关见解。 相似文献
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腐败的本质是权力的滥用,腐败预防立法体系能够有效控制权力.理性的腐败预防立法体系建构应当考虑腐败的衍生规律与治理效能,厘清腐败预防立法体系中存在的一些现实障碍,明确公共权力在管理国家与社会事务中的角色定位,一体推进"不敢腐""不能腐""不想腐",以确保公权力行使的廉洁性,有效预防腐败. 相似文献
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当公权力主体违法行使权力,又缺乏有效监督制约时,就可能产生腐败,腐败的本质就是利用公权力设租寻租,权钱交易。如何加强对权力的有效监督和制约正是惩治和预防腐败的重点。但是,各级政府及职能部门,到底有多少权力,权力边界在哪里,是不是社会公众都了解这些权力以及权力行使的规则和程序,这是当下反腐败斗争中必须认真研究的问题。 相似文献
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如果贪污腐败有规律可循,“绝对的权力导致绝对的腐败”则是一个颠扑不破的反腐败“铁律”。尽管以制约权力为己任的《行政许可法》在中国已经颁布实施,但只要行政许可的程序没有公开化、规范化,手里掌控着行政审批大权的部委司局长们就一再上演着“常在河边走,哪能不湿鞋”的故事。 相似文献
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检察机关在民事执行中的地位和作用,是否有监督法院执行的权力,是近年来理论界和司法实务界争论的一个热点问题. 一、权力制约理论 恩格斯针对资产阶级理论家大肆吹捧的分权学说,指出:"事实上这种分权只不过是为了简化和监督国家机构而实行的日常事务上的分工罢了."[1]分权与制衡是权力制约的基本内容,制衡的前提是分权."权力有腐败的趋势,绝对的权力绝对的腐败."法国启蒙思想家孟德斯鸠说:"一切有权力的人都容易滥用权力,这是万古不易的一条经验. 相似文献
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监督不力,腐败强大;皮表监督,实质腐败;此时监督,彼时腐败;昭昭监督,悄悄腐败;老子监督,儿子腐败……监督和腐败这双冤家对头,对台戏唱了多年了。绝对权力绝对导致腐败、不受监督的权力必然导致腐败,这样的名言几乎家喻户晓。然而,在监督和腐败此消彼长的对峙中,腐败在很长一段 相似文献
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We present a method by which to determine a synchronzation point within a DEFLATE-compressed bit stream (as used in Zip and gzip archives) for which the beginning is unknown or damaged. Decompressing from the synchronization point forward yields a mixed stream of literal bytes and co-indexed unknown bytes. Language modeling in the form of byte trigrams and word unigrams is then applied to the resulting stream to infer probable replacements for each co-indexed unknown byte. Unique inferences can be made for approximately 30% of the co-indices, permitting reconstruction of approximately 75% of the unknown bytes recovered from the compressed data with accuracy in excess of 90%. The program implementing these techniques is available as open-source software. 相似文献
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2003年10月31日,第58届联合国大会审议通过了《联合国反腐败公约》(以下简称《公约)》。我国参加了《公约》的起草和谈判的全过程,并于2003年12月10日签署了该《公约》。作为《公约》的缔约国,目前的当务之急是认真研究《公约》的内容,迎接《公约》给我国反腐败法律机制所带来的挑战,为《公约》的实施及时做好必要的法律准备。 相似文献
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DNA降解与腐败尸体死亡时间的相关性 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
目的探讨骨髓细胞核DNA含量变化与腐败尸体死亡时间的关系。方法应用DNA高度特异性染色方法Feulgen改良法结合计算机图像分析技术对死后不同时间(0~14d)胸骨骨髓细胞核DNA含量变化进行分析。结果胸骨骨髓细胞核DNA含量随死亡时间延长呈缓慢而规律下降,直至死后两周仍未完全降解。结论死后DNA降解速率与死亡时间呈线性关系,测定死后骨髓细胞核DNA含量可望成为腐败尸体死亡时间推断的新方法。 相似文献
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Resilient organised crime groups survive and prosper despite law enforcement activity, criminal competition and market forces.
Corrupt police networks, like any other crime network, must contain resiliency characteristics if they are to continue operation
and avoid being closed down through detection and arrest of their members. This paper examines the resilience of a large corrupt
police network, namely The Joke which operated in the Australian state of Queensland for a number of decades. The paper uses social network analysis tools
to determine the resilient characteristics of the network. This paper also assumes that these characteristics will be different
to those of mainstream organised crime groups because the police network operates within an established policing agency rather
than as an independent entity hiding within the broader community. 相似文献
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Jacopo Costa 《Global Crime》2017,18(4):353-374
This paper examines the role of illicit networks and associations in a corrupt exchange in contemporary Italy with the aim of better understanding the mechanisms of corruption. A social network analysis was conducted to explore the Big Events affair and the scandal concerning the School of Carabinieri officers in Florence. Much attention is focused on the actors, structures and informal norms that characterise the corrupt exchange with the aim of comprehending how the network sustains such exchange. Our goal is to identify the most powerful nodes and actors by determining their authority in the network, understanding the role of illicit associations (cricche) in sustaining the exchange and identifying the actors who control the informal norms. 相似文献
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权力的非公开运行是产生腐败的温床,而行政公开制度是民主政治发展的产物,是随着社会进步而形成发展的。它对于强化民主政治,扩大民主权利,丰富监督形式,防止权力的非公开运行,依法行政和建设社会主义法治国家都具有十分重要的作用。我们应当深化认识,加大行政公开立法力度,加快行政程序化建设步伐,拓宽群众公开监督渠道,充分发挥新闻媒体的作用,进一步健全和完善行政公开制度,确保国家机关及公职人员按照法定权限与程序行使权力,这是防止官员腐败的必由之路。 相似文献
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Michael Johnston 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2013,60(5):503-514
While we frequently hope electoral democracy can serve as an important constraint on corruption, there are good reasons to think that such might not be the case. This paper analyzes two closely-related questions: should we expect voters to punish corrupt politicians or parties at the polls, and should we expect such influences to check corruption generally? While there have been clear-cut cases in which such punishments have been massive and decisive, they are much the exception. Indeed, a variety of factors having to do with corruption as a concept and as a political issue, the nature of competitive electoral politics, and more recent economic and political trends reshaping important aspects of liberal democracy, all point toward a pessimistic assessment. Ideas for changing that state of affairs are few, because the difficulties reside less at the level of fixable “problems” and more with the inherent workings of liberal political and economic systems. Efforts to improve the quality of news coverage and civic education, however, and any prospects for strengthening and deepening civil society, may hold out some hope for the longer term. 相似文献