对我国违宪审查制度的几点思考

我国宪法确立的违宪审查制度是最高国家权力机关的审查制。这一宪法监督模式 ,存在着违宪审查主体模糊不清、缺乏相应审查程序等缺陷。针对我国违宪审查制度的现状 ,建议在最高国家权力机关之下设立独立的宪法委员会 ,建立由专门机构进行违宪审查的宪法监督模式     

同构与分化:违宪审查制度的理念剖析

从制度原理考察,违宪审查具有模式分化性与制度同构性,并建立在一定理念之上。违宪审查制度构造的理念基础是宪法的高级法观念、宪政理念与宪法保障思想、人权理念、分权理念、违宪审查权力理性思想等;违宪审查模式分化的理念根据在于分权理念的分野、违宪审查权力运作首要价值选择的偏差、以及基于历史背景与文化差异所形成的理念隔阂等方面。     

论新时代我国的合宪性审查制度

合宪性审查是宪法实施和监督的重要形式,是深化依法治国实践的关键。习近平新时代中国特色社会主义宪法思想为其奠定了理论基础。我国的合宪性审查制度不同于西方的违宪审查、宪政分权,它是全国人民代表大会及其常委会作为权力机关行使的权力。我国合宪性审查制度不够完善,需要在党的统一领导下明确审查程序和范围。     

论我国违宪审查制度

违宪审查制度是指具有违宪审查权的机构对违反宪法的行为(包括制定违宪法律．规范性法律文件行为和其他违宪行为)进行违宪性审查，以裁定其是否违宪的法律制度．我国现行违宪审查尚未成为一种专门法律制度．仅由作为立法机关的全国人大常委会进行违宪审查．工作难以深入许展，使宪法至上地位受到挑战．国家法治进程受到阻碍。     

论完善我国权力监督体系的几点设想--兼论我国的违宪审查制度

本文探讨了我国权力监督的体系、权力监督的机制及特点 ,提出了改革和完善我国权力监督体系、监督机制的相应设想 ,比如建立权力对权力的监督体制、赋予最高人民法院以“违宪审查权”等措施。     

完善我国宪法监督制度的立法构想

“宪法监督是由宪法授权或宪法惯例认可的机关 ,以一定方式进行合宪审查 ,取缔违宪事件 ,追究违宪责任 ,从而保证宪法实施的一种宪法制度。”(《宪法》蒋碧昆主编 ,中国政法大学出版社 ,1997年版 ,第 82页 )宪法监督是宪法适用的一种形式 ,又是宪法保障制度的重要组成部分。宪法监督制度主要包括三个方面的内容 ,即专门监督机构、宪法监督程序和对违宪的制裁措施。笔者拟从这三个方面来考察我国现行的宪法监督制度。一、我国现行宪法监督制度及存在的问题(一 )我国现行宪法的监督制度我国现行宪法是 1982年颁布的。早在 195 4年宪法中就对宪…     

试论我国立法违宪审查制度的缺陷——评《立法法》第九十、九十一条

《立法法》第九十、九十一条可以被看作是关于我国立法违宪审查制度的规定。《立法法》第九十条主要是对立法违宪审查的提出主体与审查主体的规定；第九十一条则主要是对立法违宪审查的方式、程序进行的规定。从这两条规定可以看出，我国采用的是立法机关进行立法违宪审查的方式，而且是一种事后审查的方式。分析这两条规定，笔者认为至少有以下几个方面的缺陷：     

关于完善我国违宪审查制度的若干思考

违宪审查制度是指享有违宪审查权的国家机关对违反宪法的行为(包括制定违宪的法律、法规和其他违宪行为)进行合宪性审查,以确定其是否违宪的法律制度.究竟由何种机构、以何种程序来纠正违宪、追究违宪并给予相应的救济取决于一个国家的政治理念和制度安排.不可否认,我国目前违宪审查制度的实践效果并不理想.甚至有学者认为,从严格的意义上说,我国并不存在违宪审查制度.从理论和实践两个层面进行剖析,并结合国外的相关经验,对我国违宪审查制度的完善提出切实可行的建议,既是一个迫切的理论课题,也是一个迫切的实践课题.     

违宪审查性质刍议

违宪审查制度的建立成为宪政制度健全的标志，我国应当建立怎样的违宪审查制度 ?本文从分析违宪制度的司法性和政治性入手，得出在我国应建立宪法法院式的违宪审查制度的结论。     

关于我国违宪审查制度的思考

必要性及其健全和完善我国的违宪审查制度的在宪政建设中的重大意义已达一致,毋庸赘言。新中国成立60多年来,我国宪法在维护政治稳定和法制建设中发挥了不可替代的作用。然而,我国的违宪审查制度虽然有明文规定但是还存在很多问题和缺陷,使得违宪审查制度在现实实践中无法真正得到实施。这样一来违宪审查制度就成了空中楼阁。因此,亟需建立一套符合我国国情的违宪审查制度。     

论货币宪法学教学

将货币宪法引入宪法学的教学实践,不仅能够开辟宪法学教学与研究的新领域,丰富财政宪法乃至基础宪法学的教学内容,同时使该学科的教学具有更为重要的理论与实践价值。货币宪法学的教学内容主要包括货币权力的宪法属性、货币权力配置的基本模式、货币权力的宪法规范等。     

我国反腐败模式的变迁及其折射的社会治理理念转向

建国以来我国反腐败运动经历了四种不同的模式:权力反腐模式、规制反腐模式、综合反腐模式、预防与惩治反腐模式,不同模式之间有交叉、重合,但主旨及重心大相迥异,不同模式之间的转换不仅是历史情境的需要,也折射出社会治理理念的转向。权力反腐模式的核心是以权力压制权力,其反映的是浓郁的人治色彩。规制反腐模式是依赖法律法规和制度来反腐败,其反映的是从人治向法治的转变,但这一转变并不彻底。综合反腐模式是针对权力寻租普遍、腐败逐渐隐蔽、巨大等特点而采取的一种国家、社会、个人相结合的反腐模式,其主要特征是广大民众在反腐败中的作用得到大幅提升。预防与惩治模式严格来说不是一种独立的模式,强调惩治的同时更注重预防,立足于反腐败的同时更强调廉政建设,这一模式要求对权力深度限制与监督。     

关于反腐倡廉体制机制建设若干问题的新思考

反腐倡廉建设必须建立健全一套有效的制约和监督权力的体制机制,这是破解腐败高发、多发的基本途径。只有组建一个由预防腐败署、纪检监察机关、司法机关构成的预防与惩治腐败完整体系,才能充分发挥结构科学、运行规范、监督有效的功能,形成一个能够保证各职能机关各负其责、相对独立、依法治理的运行方式。完善干部重大事项报告制度、巡视制度和"一案双查"等制度,逐步形成不敢腐的惩戒机制、不能腐的防范机制、不易腐的保障机制,才能有效遏制腐败。同时把构建决策科学、执行坚决、监督有力的权力运行体系,作为关住权力的制度笼子。这是我们党实现依法治国的国家战略和顶层设计的新思考,是跳出历史周期律支配的新路径。     

法治反腐:党的十八大报告的一大亮点

党的十八大报告的重大亮点之一是法治反腐。其主要表现在四个方面:健全反腐败法律制度,更加科学有效地防治腐败;规范和制约公权力的行使,确保国家机关按照法定权限和程序行使权力;完善权力公开制度和权力监督体系,让权力在阳光下运行;依法惩治腐败分子,安全文明办案。法治反腐是众望所归,也是反腐败斗争向纵深发展的必然趋势。     

论宪法的基本功能

宪法的功能是宪法价值的体现.宪法是对公民权利和国家权力进行合理配置的分权法.保障人权和实现有限政府是宪法的基本功能.宪法司法化是宪法基本功能得以发挥的重要保障.     

Elections,repression and authoritarian survival in post-transition Indonesia and the Philippines

Abstract

This paper compares post-transition Philippines and Indonesia, examining the ways in which authoritarian practices survive and are shaped by regime transition. It examines the transition process in each case, to identify the problems of management and control that regime elites set for themselves in the post-dictatorship period. It is argued that Philippine elites set out to disaggregate and domesticate an already mobilized opposition movement, while the Indonesian authorities strove to keep similar popular politics from mobilizing. The paper then considers how these political objectives find expression in the structuring of two important institutional fields – the electoral and policy making processes – concluding with an examination of how these considerations influence patterns of repression. In particular, the paper also investigates whether repression targets primarily proscribed modes of activity, or sets out to threaten and intimidate proscribed organizations and people. Differences in electoral and policy processes, as well as in patterns of repression, demonstrate the ways in which authoritarianism can survive regime transitions and can undermine the promise of democracy in the post-dictatorship period.     

De facto Veto? The Parliamentary Liberal Democrats

The parliamentary party of the Liberal Democrats is a symbol of the third party's growth in recent years. As a result of successful election targeting and an improvement in electoral reach, the party has seen its number of MPs at Westminster more than triple since 1992. It has been claimed that the increase in size of the parliamentary party has been accompanied by an increase in its power, so that the parliamentarians now have a de facto power of veto over policy despite the official policy-making structures as laid out in the Liberal Democrat constitution. This article investigates the make-up of the parliamentary Liberal Democrats and their contemporary influence over policy formation, and the parliamentary party's relationship with the conference and the party leader—and especially the events leading to the change of Liberal Democrat leader in 2006—to establish the veracity of this claim.     

Divide and Pacify

This paper explores the process of Europeanisation of party politics by examining the regulation of political parties by supranational European organisations. Despite the increased relevance of the regulation of the activity, behaviour, organisation and finances of political parties in European democracies, the supranational dimensions of this phenomenon have hitherto received relatively little systematic scholarly attention. This paper adopts an interdisciplinary perspective, combining approaches from the Europeanisation literature with legal theory and party scholarship. For the purpose of this paper, the rulings and regulations of the European Union, the various organs of the Council of Europe, and the European Court of Human Rights are analysed. The paper highlights the horizontal and vertical patterns of norm creation and diffusion and demonstrates that, despite a certain convergence of European standards, conceptions of democracy and corresponding regulatory paradigms have not become so similar as to be virtually indistinguishable from one another.     

科举制对台湾社会的影响

科举制是中国历史上延续最久、影响最大的文官任用考试制度。尽管科举制有许多弊病,但却提供了底层社会精英经由读书进入官场的机会,在一定程度上扩大了封建王朝的统治基础,破除了原由豪门士族把持国家政权的局面,这对中国历代政治、经济、文化、教育与社会风气,产生了久远的影响。科举制是中华政治文化中重要的一环,曾对人类政治文明的演进做出过重要贡献。科举制直接催生了不论门第的士大夫阶级的形成,间接衍生了台湾自清朝中叶进入文治阶段。在现代社会,科举精神仍在一定程度上影响着台湾社会的发展。     

Constitutional Change: A Note by the Bedside

The British constitution is undergoing major change although it tends to be carried out piecemeal and is often ignored. There are contradictory trends in what is happening. Some changes are deliberate major reforms which tend to disperse power and strengthen the rights of the individual against the State. Other changes are incidental by-products of other government policies, and tend in the other direction, towards the greater concentration of power in, and within, central government, for instance by the weakening of local government and the treatment of individual rights in legislation against terrorism. This second trend makes it all the more important that the checks and balances on the exercise of power by central government are effective. The main responsibility for ensuring this must rest with Parliament, backed up by the courts. A Civil Service Bill and perhaps a code of governance for central government would in their different ways be useful.