German neo‐Nazis

Stephen Miller feared persecution in his own country, South Africa, but because he could go to Israel, he was denied asylum in the UK.     

Normalizing Sino‐Indian relations

Realism and neoliberalism, two schools of international relations theory, provide contending explanations for state behaviour in the international system. The latter believes that interstate cooperation will create institutions and regimes for the peaceful settlement of conflicts. The former argues that only ‘self help’ — the building of individual state military capabilities — can assure that state interests will be protected. A review of Southeast Asian security policies demonstrates that both paradigms coexist as the region's members enhance their individual military capabilities because of territorial disputes with neighbours, while simultaneously entering into new collaborative arrangements such as the ASEAN Regional Forum. The ARF has begun as a venue for discussions and reassurance among Southeast Asian states and external powers in hopes that the zero‐sum character of pure realism may ultimately be transcended.     

Mark‐to‐market: A fundamental shift in affordable housing policy

Abstract

Residential mortgage underwriting practice has serious shortcomings, including fixation on the present rather than the future. Accept‐reject decisions reflect some unknown interaction among implicit macro projections, implicit micro projections, and implicit policy toward assuming risk, and there is no way to relate the decision process to its components. As a result, there is no satisfactory way for a lender to incorporate a particular macro‐economic outlook into its underwriting standards. Further, different mortgage designs often carry markedly different degrees of risk. Most critically, accountability for underwriting decisions is obscured.

This paper proposes a fundamentally new approach to underwriting that makes full use of new technology. Under this approach, macro and micro projections of the future and the lender's policy toward risk are explicitly specified. The accept‐reject decision is automatic and transparent. Each of the parties responsible for the components of underwriting decisions can be held accountable, with the underwriter responsible only for micro projections.     

Anti‐colonial Chicana feminism

Abstract

During the 1980s and 1990s, a critical mass of Chicana feminist scholars established a space and a voice to express an identity of opposition. This paper is an overview of Chicana Studies writings since 1991, emphasizing the pain, recovery, and celebration expressed by Chicana writers. In addition, and perhaps most importantly, I discuss the anti‐patriarchal, anti‐colonial challenges posed by Chicana theorists and feminists. I also confront the impacts of “internalized colonialism” that influence relations among Chicanas. Finally, I pose questions about the future writing agendas of Chicana feminists. An examination of Chicana feminist writings reveals the anti‐colonial features of her process of recovery and survival. The greatest potential value of Chicana feminist writing, especially certain lesbian writing, is “speaking secrets” to challenge the structure of power, the colonial patriarchy, and our participation in perpetuating it. The “collective good” continues as a dream and as a goal for the anti‐colonial Chicana feminist.     

Criticism of multiparty democracy: Parallels between Wamba‐dia‐Wamba and Arendt

Abstract

The IMF, World Bank, and former colonial powers have put pressure on African countries to adopt multiparty democracy. Because of this pressure, many formerly one‐party states as well as some military dictatorships have embraced Western and Parliamentarian democratic forms. But does this mean that democracy has succeeded in Africa? Ernest Wamba‐dia‐Wamba of the University of Dar‐es‐Saalam and CODESRIA argues that embracing Western paradigms in an unthinking fashion will not bring real democracy, i.e. people's liberation. He advances criticisms of party politics and statism, and suggests that African palaver and people's movements are a surer site of political action. In his criticisms of representative government he parallels the thoughts and criticism of Hannah Arendt. Arendt advocated a council system that shares many of the attributes of African palaver communities. By consulting the criticisms of Arendt and Wamba‐dia‐Wamba, we can see that an easy optimism about the multiparty system is unfounded.     

Interest‐group politics in France and Ireland: Comparative perspectives on neo‐corporation

An examination of a range of interest‐groups in France and Ireland shows that there are numerous types of involvement in decision‐making processes and that groups display considerable differences in priorities and strategies both as between groups and over time. The nature of governmental response also varies in a similar fashion. The findings are interpreted against neo‐corporatist theory and its variants of sectoral and meso‐corpor‐atism. The conclusion is that neither corporatist nor pluralist models properly fit the situation of the two countries and that an adequate theory will have to take into account both modes of explanation as well as allowing for the volatility and evolutionary potential of interest‐group behaviour.     

French spies and counter‐spies

Paul Paillole, Notre espion chez Hitler (Paris: Robert Laffont, 1985). Pp. 287 Ff.85.

Jean Rochet, Cinq arts à la tete de la DST, 1967–1972. La mission impossible (Paris: Plon, 1985). Pp. 340. Ff.80.     

Rethinking the Europe‐Taiwan relationship

This article attempts to construct an overview of Japan's defence problematique in the post‐cold war era. Its approach is to survey the historical legacies that have shaped Japan's defence policies and perceptions, and to assess how these fit, or do not fit, with the new security environment within which Japan now finds itself. The purpose is to argue that a policy of non‐offensive defence (NOD) could solve many of the difficult defence questions that Japan now faces. As a consequence, the discussion will concentrate mainly on military and political issues, mostly leaving aside questions of economic, societal and environmental security on the grounds that these issues interact less strongly with NOD. Section 1 considers the geopolitics of Japan's security that arise from its being an island country. Section 2 analyses some crucial historical considerations, particularly Japan's status as a great power, and the particular circumstances of its historical relationship with its neighbours. Section 3 looks at Japan's position during the cold war, examining how the legacies of its defeat in the Second World War blended into the demands placed upon it as a front‐line ally of the United States against Chinese and Soviet power. Section 4 surveys the actual and possible changes in Japan's security environment consequent upon the ending of the cold war. It focuses on Japan's relationships with the United States, the East Asian region, the international system as a whole, and finally on Japan's relationship with itself. Section 5 considers the requirements for a Japanese defence and security policy in the post‐cold war era.     

Trade,export controls,and non‐proliferation in the Asia‐Pacific region

Abstract

Stemming the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) — nuclear, biological, and chemical — and the missiles to deliver them comprises a crucial element in contemporary security policies. Many observers believe the utility of export controls in this effort is diminishing. While the authors believe that controls on the transfer of military and dual‐use items remain relatively effective and efficient compared to the alternative policy tools, they argue for the development of a more compelling rationale for export controls than restraining proliferation. The authors suggest that an emphasis on the links between non‐proliferation, regional stability, and economic prosperity could help policymakers transcend the more traditional view that such controls sacrifice economic gain for military security. Specifically, the authors argue that proliferation is bad for regional stability and regional economic growth, and that a prudent multilateral system of controls on dual‐use items establishes a foundation for both greater economic and security benefits.     

Foreclosure filings and sheriff's sales experienced by low‐income first‐time home buyers

Abstract

This paper examines the recent history of supply‐side subsidies. The first section describes the programs that have had a major impact on the supply of low‐income housing over the last 20 years. The second section looks in some detail at the recent history of tax subsidies to low‐income housing and attempts to quantify their magnitudes. The third section presents some data on recent syndication deals to shed light on the return rate that seems to have been required in recent years to attract private investors into low‐income housing. The final section turns to the literature on rent‐seeking behavior and proposes a more efficient way to subsidize low‐income housing production.     

Family self‐sufficiency and housing

Abstract

Since the early 1980s, an increasing number of initiatives have been introduced to link housing programs and policies with efforts designed to promote family economic self‐sufficiency. This article reviews a set of programs that have worked to manipulate various components of the housing bundle to improve the economic well‐being of acutely poor families. They include programs that modify the characteristics and services available in the local community, alter families’ residential location, provide incentives and opportunities for homeownership, and link the provision of housing subsidies to increasing local capacity for service delivery.

This article suggests that the centrality of housing in fostering or impeding economic mobility makes it a key element in dealing with acute poverty and part of a creative strategy for intervening in the dynamics of poverty. Several important areas need to be taken into account when evaluating current policy; and multiyear evaluations will be necessary to determine the success of these programs.     

Japanese foreign intelligence‐related activities

John J. Fialka, War by Other Means: Economic Espionage in America (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997). Pp.242, index. $25 (cloth); $15 (paper). ISBN 0–393–31821–4 and ‐04014–3.

James H. Hansen, Japanese Intelligence: The Competitive Edge (Washington DC: NIBC Press, 1996). Pp.222, index. $29.95. ISBN 1–878–29216–1.

Larry Kahaner, Competitive Intelligence: From Black Ops to Boardrooms ‐ How Businesses Gather, Analyze, and Use Information to Succeed in the Global Marketplace (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996). Pp.300, index. $24 (cloth); $12.95 (paper). ISBN 0–684–81074–3 and ‐84404–4.

Peter J. Katzenstein, Cultural Norms and National Security: Police and Military in Postwar Japan (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996). Pp.307, index. $42.50 (cloth); $17.95 (paper). ISBN 0–8014–14326–0 and ‐8332–8.

Richard J. Samuels, ‘Rich Nation, Strong Army’: National Security and the Technological Transformation of Japan (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994). Pp.455, index. $19.95 (paper). ISBN 0–8014–9994–1.

Peter Schweizer, Friendly Spies: How America's Allies Are Using Economic Espionage to Steal Our Secrets (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1993). Pp.342, index (out of print). ISBN 0–871–13497–7.     

Neo‐Nazis’ hopes of Russia

Reporting on race: the ‘power to confirm a perspective’ Barry Troyna, Public Awareness and the Media: a Study of Reporting on Race, London: Commission for Racial Equality, 1981. 95pp. Notes. Append. Bibl. £2.00.

The universal basis of modern Zionism Shlomo Avineri, The Making of Modern Zionism: the Intellectual Origins of the Jewish State. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1981. x + 244p. Notes. Ind. £9.95.     

Towards a multi‐party Britain?

This article examines the rise of the minor parties since 1973. Some of the causes of this increase were common to all the minor parties in Great Britain, others peculiar to particular parties. The scope for a rise in the support of minor parties is greater than is often supposed but they face special problems in mobilising this potential. Since 1974 their support has fallen, but the nineteen‐eighties are likely to see intermittent increases in their vote; unless there are major institutional changes however, the two party system is likely to survive albeit in a modified form.     

Revitalizing the United States‐Japanese alliance

Abstract

While the notion that subjective economic perceptions as well as objective economic conditions affect electoral outcomes has long been explored in advanced democracies and new democracies, evidence of the link between the economy and elections has been rarely found in East Asian countries. As economic issues have become salient since the 1997 financial crisis, political leaders’ capacity to manage the economy has become one of the most important criteria in electoral choice in East Asia. This paper examines how economic issues influenced the results of the 2007 presidential election in South Korea. By making use of the 2007 Presidential Election Panel Study, this study examines the continuity of and changes in the Korean voters’ electoral behavior. This study describes the political situation in the post-1997 financial crisis period under two liberal governments in Korea and introduces the processes and characteristics of electoral campaigns in the 2007 presidential election. This paper then explores the link between the economy and vote choice, focusing on whether economic issues were salient among the electorate, whether retrospective or prospective economic voting was prevalent among Koreans, and how the voters supported Lee Myung Bak across age groups, regions, and parties in the 2007 presidential election.     

Eco‐citles and red green politics

Jay Gould: The Enemy Within: The High Cost of Living Near Nuclear Reactors. New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 1996.

Don Fitz, ed.: Dioxin: The Orange Resource Book (A special issue of Synthesis/Regeneration), 1995.

David Abram: The Spell of the Sensuous. New York: Pantheon Books, 1996.

Sheldon Krimsky and Roger Wrubel: Agricultural Biotechnology and the Environment: Science, Policy and Social Issues. Urbana/Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1995.

Jeremy Rifkin: The End of Work: The Decline of the Global Labor Force and the Dawn of the Post‐Market Era. New York, NY: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1995.

Roy Morrison: Ecological Democracy. Boston: South End Press, 1995.

Andrew Rowell: Green Backlash: Global Subversion of the Environment Movement. New York, NY: Routledge, 1996.     

Effects of proportionate‐share impact fees

Abstract

When it comes to paying for the significant costs of growth, local governments throughout the United States are usually the first line of financing. Yet because of a variety of factors, existing tax, fee, and inter jurisdictional transfer revenues may not be sufficient. Many hundreds (if not thousands) of communities rely in part on proportionate‐share impact fees to provide facilities concurrent with the effects of growth.

Impact fees have numerous detractors, many of whom worry about their effect on affordable housing, economic development, and development patterns. A disparate literature has emerged addressing each of these concerns. This article synthesizes current knowledge about the market effects of proportionate‐share impact fees and finds that for the most part, they facilitate development in several important ways. Policy implications and guidance for future research are presented as well.