共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 78 毫秒
1.
Theresa W. Tobin 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(4):521-530
One popular strategy of opposition to practices of female genital cutting (FCG) is rooted in the global feminist movement.
Arguing that women’s rights are human rights, global feminists contend that practices of FGC are a culturally specific manifestation
of gender-based oppression that violates a number of rights. Many African feminists resist a women’s rights approach. They
argue that by focusing on gender as the primary axis of oppression affecting the African communities where FGC occurs, a women’s
rights approach has misrepresented African women as passive victims who need to be rescued from African men and has obscured
the role of certain international institutions that have perpetuated the oppression of African women. In this paper, I defend
these critiques by arguing that the use of a women’s rights framework to combat practices of female genital cutting among
African communities has often been practically ineffective and morally inappropriate. 相似文献
2.
International human rights treaties and declarations lay out the interconnection of civil and political rights with economic,
social, and cultural rights. However, it was not until 1993 at the 2nd UN Conference on Human Rights in Vienna that governments agreed that all of women’s rights are an integral part of human
rights. Promoting women’s economic, social, and cultural rights is a critical human rights advocacy issue. Poverty leaves
women more exposed to violence and less able to escape it, and severely restricts women’s ability to organize and fight for
change. The article describes work by AI and other NGOs on violence against women and its connection with women's poverty
and lack of education, healthcare, housing, and access to land in Africa. Besides the burgeoning of African women’s organizations
calling for protection of all women’s human rights, a second hopeful development has been approval in July 2003 of an historic
Protocol on the Rights of women in Africa. 相似文献
3.
4.
This article outlines the recent development of Chinese political studies spawned by the transformation of Chinese politics
in the post-Mao era, with its focus mainly on contributions from the Chinese scholarship. After a close examination of the
applicability of the western theories on the transforming politics in China, it reviews the indigenous methodologies, the
theorizations on the Chinese Communist Party, the state-society relationship analysis, and research on the central-local relationship.
Referring to the original works in different periods, the article generally portrays the indigenous contributions of the Chinese
academia, and illustrates the essential connections between real politics and theoretical progress.
Yang Guangbin PhD, Professor in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. Professor Yang’s research areas include comparative institutional analysis, the political economy of China, institutions of governance, regulatory state, democratic politics, political development, Chinese domestic political economy and foreign relations. Li Miao a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. His research interests include political development, state-society relationship, and religion & politics, with a particular emphasis on the Church-State relations in contemporary China. 相似文献
Guangbin YangEmail: |
Yang Guangbin PhD, Professor in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. Professor Yang’s research areas include comparative institutional analysis, the political economy of China, institutions of governance, regulatory state, democratic politics, political development, Chinese domestic political economy and foreign relations. Li Miao a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at Renmin University of China. His research interests include political development, state-society relationship, and religion & politics, with a particular emphasis on the Church-State relations in contemporary China. 相似文献
5.
Guoli Liu 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2000,6(1):37-53
The evolution of the Taiwan issue has been closely linked to the interaction of China and other countries including Japan,
Russia, and especially the United States. It is important to examine the great power interaction in East Asia and its effect
on the cross-strait relations. Japanese policy toward the Taiwan issue will be a critical indicator of the nature of Sino-Japanese
relations. One issue is Japan’s expanding role in the U.S.-Japanese security relations and the implication of such relations
for East Asian security. Russia has consistently supported Beijing’s policy on Taiwan. Since the return of Hong Kong to China
on July 1, 1997, the policy of “one country, two systems” has been put into practice. If Hong Kong can continue to enjoy a
high degree of autonomy and prosperity, valuable lessons might be gained for resolving issues in cross-Taiwan Strait relations. 相似文献
6.
H. H. Lai 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2006,11(1):55-77
In the post-Mao era China’s society and religion are both becoming increasingly pluralistic. State policies toward religion
are also evolving. Views of state-society relations as “totalitarian” exaggerate the state’s control; the civil-society approach
overestimates society’s autonomy. This paper explains the state’s religious policies in terms of a “post-totalitarian” frame
of reference. Religious organizations and the Communist Party share a reliance on ideology and organization to operate and
survive, making them potential rivals. As a shrewd monopolist of organizational and ideological instruments, the state seeks
to reduce the threat posed by religion, adopting differentiated strategies toward them as they revive. The state co-opts,
tolerates, deters, restricts, or suppresses different religions or sects, according to each specific religion’s organizational
strength, doctrine, and compliance with state authority. The state is thus able to prevent the rise of large, independent,
and organized religious groups while leaving considerable space for religious activity.
Dr. H. H. Lai is a faculty member the National University of Singapore who has researched on China’s state-society relations.
The author would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their comments and Mr. Kelly for his thorough and helpful copy
editing. 相似文献
7.
Vesla M. Weaver 《Political Behavior》2012,34(1):159-192
Despite the significant role that skin color plays in material well-being and social perceptions, scholars know little if
anything about whether skin color and afrocentric features influence political cognition and behavior and specifically, if
intraracial variation in addition to categorical difference affects the choices of voters. Do more phenotypically black minorities
suffer an electoral penalty as they do in most aspects of life? This study investigates the impact of color and phenotypically
black facial features on candidate evaluation, using a nationally representative survey experiment of over 2000 whites. Subjects
were randomly assigned to campaign literature of two opposing candidates, in which the race, skin color and features, and
issue stance of candidates was varied. I find that afrocentric phenotype is an important, albeit hidden, form of bias in racial
attitudes and that the importance of race on candidate evaluation depends largely on skin color and afrocentric features.
However, like other racial cues, color and black phenotype don’t influence voters’ evaluations uniformly but vary in magnitude
and direction across the gender and partisan makeup of the electorate in theoretically explicable ways. Ultimately, I argue,
scholars of race politics, implicit racial bias, and minority candidates are missing an important aspect of racial bias. 相似文献
8.
Anthony Luyirika Kafumbe 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(2):199-221
This article examines women’s rights to property in marriage, upon divorce, and upon the death of a spouse in Uganda, highlighting
the problematic aspects in both the state-made (statutory) and non-state-made (customary and religious) laws. It argues that,
with the exception of the 1995 Constitution, the subordinate laws that regulate the distribution, management, and ownership
of property during marriage, upon divorce, and death of a spouse are discriminatory of women. It is shown that even where
the relevant statutory laws are protective of women’s rights to property, their implementation is hindered by customary law
practices, socialization, and the generally weak economic capacity of many women in the country. The article delves into the
even weaker position of women’s rights to matrimonial property at customary and religious laws. In many homes, wives provide
labor to support their husbands without having a stake in the use or monetary benefit from it. Under Islamic law regulating
intestate succession to property, the entitlements for widows fall short of the constitutional standards on equality and non-discrimination.
Polygyny is widely practiced by Muslims implying that the widows share the one eighth whenever there are children or one fourth
in cases when there are no children. Radical reforms such as adopting an immediate community property regime instead of the
present separate property regime are inevitable if women’s rights to property are to advance. 相似文献
9.
’Dejo Olowu 《Human Rights Review》2006,8(1):78-101
The desire to formulate a viable treaty framework for women’s rights that will meet the challenges of the sociocultural peculiarities
in Africa led to the emergence of the original draft Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights
of Women in the twilight years of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Without doubt, the recent adoption of the African
Women’s Protocol by the Assembly of African Heads of State and Government in July 2003 is a welcome development coming at
a most opportune time. However, if the African Women’s Protocol is to serve its purposes in an effective way, it is absolutely
necessary to articulate the normative and structural modalities that would secure the achievement of its stated ends. It is
therefore in the quest for defining the strategic parameters of this new-fangled instrument that I analyze the normative promises
as well as notable structural and conceptual limitations inherent in the African Women's Protocol with a view to identifying
trajectories for its sustained relevance and viability. I address these concerns against the backdrop of the instrument’s
provisions.
Fighting for women’s rights is a positive struggle which recognizes the quality of women’s contribution to every aspect of
the community... I therefore invite all to renew their energies in undertaking practical and creative initiatives to achieve
full respect of the human rights of women. Mary Robinson, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (1997–2001). 相似文献
10.
Welfare policy in the American states has been shaped profoundly by race, ethnicity, and representation. Does gender matter as well? Focusing on state welfare reform in the mid‐1990s, we test hypotheses derived from two alternative approaches to incorporating gender into the study of representation and welfare policymaking. An additive approach, which assumes gender and race/ethnicity are distinct and independent, suggests that female state legislators—regardless of race/ethnicity—will mitigate the more restrictive and punitive aspects of welfare reform, much like their African American and Latino counterparts do. In contrast, an intersectional approach, which highlights the overlapping and interdependent nature of gender and race/ethnicity, suggests that legislative women of color will have the strongest countervailing effect on state welfare reform—stronger than that of other women or men of color. Our empirical analyses suggest an intersectional approach yields a more accurate understanding of gender, race/ethnicity, and welfare politics in the states. 相似文献
11.
Simon Shen 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2007,12(3):237-280
Studying the Chinese intellectual response to the US War on Terror, and how the battle between the Chinese liberals and nonliberals
fitted into the above debate, the article focuses on two cases, 9-11 and the war in Iraq. Each will be divided into the expressive
response (i.e., how the intellectuals reacted physically); the ideological response (i.e., how they interpreted the incidents
in ideologically); and the strategic response (i.e., how they proposed the right strategies for the party-state to manage
global affairs). After studying the cases, we should discover how the Chinese intellectuals used nationalist rhetoric to disguise
their real disagreements, i.e., their views on domestic politics as well as to advance their own national importance.
Simon Shen is Research Assistant Professor in the Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong
(CUHK). Dr. Shen is author or editor of Redefining Nationalism in Modern China: Sino–American Relations and the Emergence of Chinese Public Opinions in the 21st Century, Chinese Response to Anti-terrorism, Non-state Actors and Foreign Affairs of the Greater China Region (with Joseph Cheng). His articles have appeared in the East Asia, Journal of Comparative Asian Development, Pacific Review, Politics, Asian Perspective, and Journal of East Asian History. Research for this article was partially funded by a grant from the South China Program, Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies,
Chinese University of Hong Kong. The author thanks Dr. Rana Mitter of the University of Oxford and anonymous reviewers for
their insightful comments on the earlier drafts of this article. 相似文献
12.
Gang Lin 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2000,6(1):17-36
This paper explores Taiwan’s power reconfiguration resulted from the 2000 presidential election and its implication for the
perplexed cross-Strait Strait relations. It looks back at Taiwan’s party transformations on the part of the Kuomintang (KMT)
and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) over the past decade, discusses several important factors directly related to the
victory of the DPP, and analyzes Taipei’s post-election political arrangements and conciliatory gestures toward Beijing. The
paper concludes that given the political disparity between mainland China and Taiwan as well as the transitory nature of Taipei’s
new government, Beijing will continue its “wait and see” policy toward Taipei, hence the chance for political dialogue between
the two sides is slim in the foreseeable future.
He served as President of the Association of Chinese Political Studies from 1998 to 1999. He writes on Chinese politics and
cross-Taiwan Strait relations. Most recently, he co-edited Transition toward the Post-Deng China (forthcoming in 2001) and
Prospects for Cross-Taiwan Strait Developments (2000). He received a Ph.D. in political science from Pennsylvania State University
(1997).
Gang Lin is Program Associate at the Woodrow Wilson Center’s Asia Program. This article reflects the author’s personal viewpoints
only. 相似文献
13.
The social welfare system in China has been undergoing transition since the economic reform in 1978 when the Chinese government
began introducing a series of welfare changes aimed at shifting responsibility from the government to a combination of government,
communities, enterprises and individuals. Consequently, many cities in China have been experimenting with community-based
welfare services — a state-sanctioned practice based on socialist ideology, but at the same time market driven and incorporating
the private sector. This new welfare approach started an ongoing dialogue in China regarding the role of the public and private
sectors in social welfare, the balance between socialist and capitalist values, and the input of the free market and political
democracy. This paper presents a case study of an urban community in Beijing. It examines the policy of community-based services
and discusses its implementation in urban communities. The research suggests that the public-private coordination is, within
limits, effective in meeting people’s needs in the community. However, further attention should be given to the sharing of
responsibility for welfare between the public and private sectors so as to protect vulnerable populations.
She received her Ph.D. from the University of Denver. Her major interests of research focus on social development and community
service, law and social work, and comparative welfare policies.
He was also chair professor of Social Work Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, and founding Dean of the School
of Social Development at the University of Minnesota-Duluth. He has written extensively on international social development
and human security. 相似文献
14.
WAI FUNG LAM 《管理》2005,18(4):633-654
The change in sovereignty of Hong Kong in 1997 has brought about an interesting puzzle: despite a high degree of institutional continuity, the Hong Kong bureaucracy that was considered highly efficient during the colonial era has appeared to turn into an inept administrative structure generating blunder after blunder. The bureaucracy seems to face greater difficulties in horizontal coordination under the new governance, and has lost the ability to produce coherent policy actions.
Drawing upon a literature of institutional analysis, this article examines the institutional design for coordination in the Hong Kong government. The article argues that the bureaucracy in Hong Kong is designed upon a logic of colonial rule. Like any institutional arrangements, the colonial administrative system has inherent coordination limitations. During the colonial era, some smoothing mechanisms were developed as the lubricant for the bureaucracy's operation, but the new governance has inevitably impinged upon some of these—making the bureaucracy more prone to coordination problems. 相似文献
Drawing upon a literature of institutional analysis, this article examines the institutional design for coordination in the Hong Kong government. The article argues that the bureaucracy in Hong Kong is designed upon a logic of colonial rule. Like any institutional arrangements, the colonial administrative system has inherent coordination limitations. During the colonial era, some smoothing mechanisms were developed as the lubricant for the bureaucracy's operation, but the new governance has inevitably impinged upon some of these—making the bureaucracy more prone to coordination problems. 相似文献
15.
Ngai Ling Sum 《Economy and Society》2013,42(1):67-100
Patten's arrival as Governor in 1992 Marked a new stage inthe Sino-British struggle over ‘decolonization’ in Hong Kong. This struggle ishighly rhetorical and the local mass media call it a ‘war of words’.However, by adopting a strategic-relational approach, this article reveals a dual struggle over the politics of identity and the social basis for a new economic and political regime in the approach to 1997. The key protagonists (Patten and Chinese officials) have deploye various discursive strategies as economic and political circumstances in Hong Knog have changed. Global, regional and local factors and forces are shaping the emergence of two new, but still unstable, power blocs with different social bases. Whether these actions have an effect upon transforming the structural forms depends on the balanceof forces which is increasingly mediated by changes in discourses and discursive practices over time. 相似文献
16.
Guoguang Wu 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(3):279-302
Abstract This article explores how Hong Kong has exercised political influence on China since the transfer of sovereignty in 1997, and tries to comprehend such seemingly impossible influences by reinterpreting the concept of sovereignty. It argues that the British Hong Kong existed as a ‘reference society’ for China's modernization and helped to change Chinese perceptions of capitalism. As this resulted in Chinese recognition of the legitimacy of Hong Kong's colonial institutions, which were featured with political legacies of civic freedom and the rule of law, it also reveals the institutional dimension of sovereignty. Secondly, the information flow from Hong Kong to China reflects a communicative (in contrast to coercive) nature of sovereignty, which highlights Hong Kong's central position in the Chinese world of information. Thirdly, Hong Kong's ongoing democratization challenges Chinese authoritarianism through societal interactions that are beyond state control. Conceptually, in this article, state sovereignty is argued as being something fluid and constantly reshaped in everyday practice with institutional, informative, and interactive dynamics; practically, it attempts to find some remaining ‘silver lining’ to the growing authoritarian Chinese clouds above Hong Kong as reversing the logic of examining external factors in democratization. 相似文献
17.
Simon Shen 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(2):203-224
Abstract Interest among academics towards Hong Kong's global status has gradually waned since 1997. However, identifying Hong Kong's position on the international platform is essential if the Special Administrative Region's competitiveness is to be distinguished from that of regional rivals. The positioning challenge not only results from the sovereignty retrocession, but also from the rapid pace of globalization and the intensified competition from major cities in the Greater China Region. Instead of focusing on the much-researched topic of the direct competition between Hong Kong and Shanghai or Singapore, an exploration of Hong Kong's hitherto little-researched re-branding experience not only throws light on Hong Kong Special Administrative Region's policy orientation, but is also valuable in understanding how other cities in the region conducted similar exercises. This article reviews the overall evolution of the ‘Asia's World City’ (AWC) discourse as promoted by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region from 1997 to 2007. It starts by reviewing the international identity of post-colonial Hong Kong as background to the discourse, in order to reconstruct various theoretical assumptions that led to the re-branding exercise. The second section examines the purpose and evolution of the AWC campaign, and identifies the problems within the discourse. The concluding section focuses on the unrealized theoretical assumptions and other administrative and ideological constraints that the HKSARG faced in the exercise as a means to explaining the overall limited achievements of the campaign and proposes possible ways to remedy the shortcomings. 相似文献
18.
Sheng Ding 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2008,13(2):193-213
This study attempts to answer a new but important question in China’s foreign policy— how Beijing has wielded its soft power
to construct its ideal of international order in the age of China’s rise. Before empirical analyses, this study tries to set
up a conceptual framework on the relations between the idea of “harmonious world” and China’s soft power wielding in its rising
process. Within this framework, this study examines a rising China’s foreign policies towards three targeted regions in the
global south—Africa, East Asia, and Latin America. On the one hand, due to Beijing’s carefully-designed and soft power-based
foreign policies, the global south has become an increasingly harmonious environment for Beijing to cultivate a favorable
national image, exert its political influence on regional affairs, benefit its own domestic economic developments, etc. On
the other hand, some problems such as the so-called “China’s New Colonialism” and the increased vigilance from the other powers
have already began to challenge Beijing’s harmony in those regions.
Sheng Ding is assistant professor of political science at Bloomsburg University. He received both his masters and doctoral
degrees from Rutgers. His research interests include soft power in international relations; transnational identity in globalization;
information technology and world politics; politics in Pacific Asia; Chinese politics and foreign policy; U.S.-China relations,
etc. His research articles have been published by Pacific Affairs, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics and East Asia: An International Quarterly. The author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their useful comments on the draft of the paper. 相似文献
19.
Caroline Joan ?Picart 《Human Rights Review》2007,8(3):221-228
Derrick Bell’s work challenges the dichotomy that separates legitimate legal reasoning from “mere” fiction through hybrids
that play across science fiction, Platonic dialogue, and autobiography. Despite its merits, I argue that Bell’s position reifies
and strengthens, rather than deconstructs, structures of tyranny; it maintains the problematic rhetorical construction of
United States race relations in terms of the black–white divide, either alienating, or leaving little or no room for other
racial groups constructively to revise power and identity. In contrast, bell hooks’, Mari Matsuda’s and Robert Chang’s work,
though tentatively sketched, construes current race and gender relations in terms of a chiaroscuro of power, rather than a
simple dichotomy.
相似文献
Caroline Joan (Kay) PicartEmail: |
20.
Abstract. This article reviews a selected range of comparative political research on women's movements, a subfield of political science whose recent proliferation now positions it at the leading edge of women and politics scholarship. Recognizing that "women" as a category of research is of necessity heterogeneous and informed by differences of race, class, ethnicity, nationality, generation, and religion, the article argues that this complex intersectionality need not mean that women's movements are beyond the scope of comparative political research. Rather, as the research focus of women and politics scholars has become increasingly carefully specified, general patterns are evident in the research that should serve to advance the comparative study of women's movements and comparative political research more generally. The article focuses on definitional challenges and the limitations of conflating "women's movements", "feminist movements", and "women in social movements", and discusses four major research arenas within which cross–national commonalities among women's movements are evidenced. These include the relationship between women's movements and political parties; "double militancy" as a potentially distinctive collective identity problem for women's movement activists; the extent to which political opportunities for women's movements are (or can be) gendered; and the relationship between women's movements and the state. The article concludes with suggestions for future research in the subfields of comparative women's movements and comparative politics. 相似文献