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1.
Kevin G. Cai 《East Asia》1999,17(2):6-46
Since the mid-1980s there has been a gradual but steady rise of economic regionalism in Northeast Asia. However, the economic regionalism in Northeast Asia reveals its own dynamics and is presented in a form that is different from those in Western Europe and North America. Characterized by a “flying geese pattern” that has been developing in the region over time, the regionalism is soft and open; that is, it is uninstitutionalized and less discriminatory against other economies. This ongoing regionalism in Northeast Asia will inevitably bring profound political and economic implications for the region and beyond. Kevin G. Cai earned a Ph.D. in political science at Queen's University in Canada in 1996 Currently he is teaching at Kyonggi University in South Korea. His major research interests include the political economy of economic regionalism in the world economy, the regionalism in the Asia-Pacific area, APEC, China's integration into the regional and global economy, and various political, economic and security issues in the Asia-Pacific region. The author would like to thank Michael K. Hawes for his valuable comments on the early draft of this article.  相似文献   

2.
This article assesses the challenges and opportunities faced by the Indonesian government following the Asian economic crisis of 1997 and the fall of the Suharto regime. It examines Indonesia's ongoing economic decentralization program, and these policies' relations to market globalization; discusses regional development policies and their relations to ongoing changes in the central government; and attempts to define principles of “good governance” that will ensure Indonesia's ability to bail itself out of the current crisis and move toward positive long-term economic development. An earlier version of this article was presented at the conference on “Globalization and New Governance,” organized by the SEMIN Foundation of Korea and Asia Pacific Public Administration Forum of Taiwan, Suwon City, South Korea, October 7–11, 1999.  相似文献   

3.
This article explores the ways in which the Gorbachev regime has tried to improve what Soviet policymakers perceive as an unfavorable balance of power in Northeast Asia. It argues that Gorbachev’s initial response, which emphasized regional arms control proposals, has not been successful because Japanese leaders do not see them as meaningful concessions. More recent changes in Soviet policy offer greater prospects for accommodation. Changes in the global East-West environment and domestic trends in Japan also may have a positive impact on Soviet-Japanese security relations. She is the author ofJapan and Arms Control (Canadian Centre for Arms Control and Disarmament, Ottawa, 1987).  相似文献   

4.
Jin Feng 《East Asia》2000,18(1):61-81
The purpose of this article is to attempt a new reading of the relationship between Chinese modernity and tradition by conducting a case study in Chinese literary modernity. Specifically, it sets up a dialogue between the vernacular tale redacted by Feng menglong (1574–1646), “Fifteen Strings of Cash: A Jest that Leads to Disaster” and its modern transformation “Daybreak” by the contemporary Taiwan writer Zhu Xining (1927–1998). When we juxtapose “Daybreak” with “Fifteen Strings of Cash”, we discover that Zhu's preoccupation with the tension between “modernity” and “tradition” leads to the emergence of the modern subject in Chinese literature. The comparison draws attention to the change of narrator, the differences in narrative structure, the story's temporal rearrangement, and finally the reliance on the female defendant's performativity in shaping the modern male subject.  相似文献   

5.
Kenzo Oshima 《East Asia》1992,11(2):57-64
This paper was originally prepared for an international conference on “The U.S. and Asia,” sponsored by The Gaston Sigur Center for East Asian Studies, October 29–31, 1992. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the government of Japan.  相似文献   

6.
In the economic development of East Asain countries during the 1980s and 1990s, there has emerged a distinct form of capitalism characterized by active state intervetion in the economy and close state-business relations. This article attempts to identify the key ingredients of the relations between the state and market that has led to industrial development in East Asia. It also explores how these characteristics are reflected institution-building in the Asia-Pacific as, for example, in the case of APEC where conflicts have developed between the Asian and western members in their attempts to promote economic cooperation An earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference on “Global Visions Toward the Next Millennium: Modern Civilization and Beyond” in South Korea, September 24–26, 1998. The author is grateful to G. John Ikenberry, Jong-Chan Rhee and William James for their comments on the paper.  相似文献   

7.
Wachman  Alan M. 《East Asia》2005,22(2):31-55
Carto-philatelic imagery illustrates that the “mental map” of China underlying territorial policies of the People's Republic of China is constructed, contingent, and impermanent. Although it has claimed Taiwan by asserting primordial sovereignty, declaring the island to have been part of China “since ancient times,” the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has not always viewed the island as part of China. Although it recognized the independence of Mongolia in 1950, before it came to power as the government of the state the CCP envisioned Mongolia as part of China. Postage stamps issued in territories governed by the CCP before 1949 juxtaposed to stamps issued by the Republic of China government affirm what documents suggest: that China's boundaries have not been immutable and have been highly contested by Chinese political elite. This should prompt readers to view with skepticism categorical claims about China's sovereignty and “territorial integrity.”  相似文献   

8.
Min  Shi 《East Asia》1990,9(3):50-60
The world economic pattern of the 1990s will have many characteristics. For example: 1) the world economy will tend to move further toward multipolarization and several fairly large regional economic blocs will be formed with these polars as their center; 2) the United States, Japan, and Europe will play a dominant role in the new world economic pattern; and 3) the Asia-Pacific economies will be the most vigorous part of the world economy. Since the 1980s, with the development of the internationalization of the world economy and regional integration, Asia-Pacific economic cooperation has entered into a new period. However, it is very difficult to form a close entity of economic cooperation (such as the EC) including the whole Asia-Pacific region. Perhaps it is more practical to found a subregional economic cooperative body, such as a “Northeast Asian economic sphere,” in the near future. This article was originally prepared for a roundtable conference on “Economic Issues in the Northwest Pacific: Perspectives in a Dramatically Changing World,” held December 14–16, 1990, in Oiso, Japan. The cosponsors of the conference were Taisho Research Institute, the Japan Economic Foundation, and The American Council on Asian and Pacific Affairs.  相似文献   

9.
Zhang  Xiaoming 《East Asia》2011,28(3):235-246
Normative changes in the Western-dominated international society have been taking place, symbolized by the evolution from the “standard of civilization” to the “new standard of civilization”. And the West has always been the developer of the new norms in international society, and changes in international norms reflect the link between power on one hand and norms, rules and institutions on the other. That is a fact or an invented reality which a rapidly rising China has to deal with, and its implications on China’s future relationship with the international society are sure to be great and far-reaching.  相似文献   

10.
Shin  Eui Hang 《East Asia》2007,24(1):1-22
This study documents the rise and fall of boxing in Korea since its introduction in 1912. The participation of amateur athletes in boxing has decreased sharply since the 1980s. Also, the popularity of professional boxing among sports fans has diminished in recent decades. I consider boxing as a “product” that is “consumed” by individuals as participants and fans. I apply product life-cycle theory in analyzing the changing popularity of boxing. I argue that changes in the tastes of sports fans are closely linked to economic development, industrialization and standard of living. I present the rise in the popularity of soccer, baseball, and golf as illustrations of the changing tastes of consumers of sports that have accompanied economic development and social changes as well as the changing government policies on sports.
Eui Hang ShinEmail:

Eui Hang Shin   is Professor in the Department of Sociology, University of South Carolina, Columbia, South Carolina. He is Visiting Professor, Faculty of Liberal Education, Seoul, National University, Seoul, Korea for the 2006–2007 academic year. His areas of interest are the political demography of Korea and sociology of sports. His recent publications include: “Election Democracy, Populism, and Generational Politics: The Case of the April 15, 2004 General Election in South Korea.” East Asia: An International Quarterly 22 (1), (Spring 2005): 51–81; “Presidential Elections, Internet Politics, and Citizens’ Organizations in Korea.” Development and Society 34 (1), (June 2005): 25–48. “An Analysis of Social Network Structures in the Korean Film Industry.” Journal of East Asian Studies 4 (2), (May–August 2004): 285–300, with Sangyub Park; “Culture, Gender Roles, and Sport: The Case of Korean Players on the LPGA Tour.” Journal of Sport and Social Issues 28 (3) (August 2004): 223–244, with Edward Nam; “The Role of NGOs in Political Elections in Korea: The Case of the Citizens’ Alliance for the 2000 General Election.” Asian Survey 43 (July/August 2003): 697–715.  相似文献   

11.
The Gorbachev regime has made a dramatic attempt to alter the political environment for Soviet policy in Asia and to shift regional perceptions in its favor. As elsewhere, the major components, of this new approach are the downplaying of the utility of military instruments of power, an emphasis on the peaceful resolution of regional disputes, a deemphasizing of the role of ideology, and a stepped-up effort to pursue relations with regional states through traditional diplomacy. The various elements of “new thinking” as qpplied to Asia have contributed to improved Soviet relations with China, South Korea, and several non-Communist states of Southeast Asia, and created an opportunity for improved relations with Japan. Carolyn McGiffert Ekedahl is a senior analyst at the Central Intelligence Agency and co-author ofThe Soviets and the Third World Under Gorbachev, (Westview Press, forthcoming).  相似文献   

12.
Shi  Yinhong 《East Asia》2011,28(3):247-257
There have been several profound features embedded in the contemporary Chinese political leadership, all having their roots in the Chinese centuries-long traditions or the modern/contemporary creative practice, together with their shaping impacts upon China’s foreign policy or remarkable reflections in her external behavior. They are: reforms inherently differentiated; central idea of “maintenance”, notion of “biological circle governing universe”, paradox in the question of equality, the emphasis on morality, overwhelmingly domestic function of foreign policy, firm belief in the Chineseness per sue and its overwhelming importance, and political prudence in the perennial context of “Strong China, Weak China.” China is facing enormous domestic historical challenges and substantial international pressure, while a generally peaceful China can be assured at least from her self-regarding realistic perspective.  相似文献   

13.
With the “globalization” of production, firms need to be able to operate in other economies, exploiting their advantages, enabling them to remain internationally competitive. Today, the focus of attention, in the international trading system, is shifting to measures that affect the ability of foreign firms to invest and conduct business in national economies, to the openness of markets to global competition. However such measures are broached, governments cannot get away from deciding unilaterally whether, when, and how to deregulate, creating an internationally attractive business environment. Asia has benefited much from foreign direct investment, not regional trade negotiations, and APEC should adhere to non-discrimination as its guiding principle. Ryutaro Hashimoto has been minister of international trade and industry in the government of Japan since 1994, having earlier been minister of finance (1989–1991) and minister of transport (1986–1987).  相似文献   

14.
As a much debated phenomenon in contemporary South Korea, anti-Americanism has been seen primarily as a response to the perceived political and economic domination of the United States in Korean affairs. This article suggests that such a view, however, is incomplete without consideration of the cultural and psychological context in which contemporary discourses of cultural nationalism have arisen: specifically, an indigenous cultural psychology characterized by an emphasis onuri (“we”)—a collective sense of socially diffuse yet unified and homogenous selfhood. As one variety of contemporary national cultural discourse, anti-Americanism is a response to certain to certain unwelcome trends in cultural development that have already begun to undermine the collective sense of Korean selfhood, as reflected in part in Korean concern over the Western “cultural invasion,” and Korean critiques of American bias and arrogance in dealings with Korea. However, far from being a static concept concerned only with defensive protection of Korean identity,uri also reflects Korean concern for re-formulating national cultural identity in terms more accommodating to the outside. Ultimately, anti-Americanism needs to be seen in the context of a Korean cultural psychology, which posits the enduring value of a collectively defined selfhood as an alternative to the prevailing individualist representations of the West. Diane M. Hoffman is an anthropologist and independent scholar with research interests in contemporary Korean culture and Korean-American intercultural relations.  相似文献   

15.
Patrick Hein 《East Asia》2011,28(2):135-155
This paper explores the policy choices of Germany and Japan for contributing to international security and stability in Afghanistan. Both countries have been closely involved with Afghanistan in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks 2001. It is argued that the policy choice of Japan with a low military element and high civilian element differs significantly from the German military centered approach. An analysis of the goals and motives behind the foreign policy choices reveals that in Germany the military involvement has been justified with humanitarian reasons, national self interests and the right to “unlimited” sovereignty. This logic has ultimately led to the acceptance of civilian casualties and participation into offensive counterinsurgency operations. It is suggested that elite driven discourses have determined foreign policy strategy. In the case of Japan the paper claims that the conservative LDP elite had been pushing for intensified military involvement which materialized in the dispatch of military vessels to the Indian Ocean and ground forces to Iraq. Similar to Germany these moves towards gaining international reputation were rooted in domestic politics.  相似文献   

16.
Harry Harding 《East Asia》1994,13(3):31-41
The concept of multilateral dialogue on Asia-Pacific security is attracting increasing support. This results from the improvement of relations among most of the major powers, the growing awareness of the problems that can best be addressed through cooperation, and the development of more realistic proposals for multilateral dialogue. The best approach to cooperative security is to utilize a combination of channels, including the ASEAN Regional Forum for discussion of region-wide and Southeast Asian issues, a parallel forum for dialogue on Northeast Asia, consideration of some security problems in APEC, and a recognized unofficial dialogue on regional strategic questions. In Spring 1994, he was a visiting professor of East Asian studies at The George Washington University and as of January 1995 he will be the new dean of the Elliott School of International Affairs at GWU. He is the author ofA Fragile Relationship: The United States and China Since 1972 (Brookings, 1992).  相似文献   

17.
Kershaw  Roger 《East Asia》2008,25(2):187-210
A. C. Milner’s visiting inaugural at N.U.S. invites exploration of its author’s intellectual development, for he boldly claims a role for an Australian historian of Southeast Asia as a promoter of liberal governance for Southeast Asian societies, in face of militant Islamism. His earlier “postmodernist” commitment to “getting inside the Malay experience” constitutes some sort of precursor, but relativist scepticism fits as uncomfortably as does, in its own way, advocacy of Australian tolerance of Asian authoritarianism. In attacking Leifer’s Realism, the lecture seems ill-informed, while the post-war Oakeshott is scarcely relevant to the diverse societies of Southeast Asia.
Roger KershawEmail:

Roger Kershaw   graduated in Modern History from Oxford, 1961, and completed a Ph.D. in Political Science at SOAS, London, 1969, with a thesis on the political integration of the Buddhist Thai minority in Kelantan, Malaysia-an area with which he had become familiar, and where he had learnt Malay, while teaching history at the leading high school in the State. His first university post was in Southeast Asian Studies at Hull, 1968–70, followed by a similar position at Kent, 1970–83, and ten years in the Education Service of Brunei. He is the author of Monarchy in Southeast Asia (Routledge 2001).  相似文献   

18.
The concept of global partnership remains a central theme in the conduct of U.S.-Japan relations in the post-Cold War world. This article critically evaluates Japan’s performance and potential as a global partner for the United States. It notes the qualified outcomes to Japan’s extended quest for a world role, its inability to lead by example in world trade and its preference for international status and contributions as a substitute for international political leadership. On the other hand the article recognizes the increasing significance of Japan’s human contribution to international peacekeeping, its willingness to tackle global problems in cooperation with the United States, and its potential to reduce security costs in Asia by means of foreign aid allocations, increased host-nation support for American forces and by promoting regional security dialogue. The article highlights Japan’s emerging identity as an Asian power and the problem of diverging U.S. and Japanese perspectives on democracy in the region. At the same time, it acknowledges the crucial importance Japan attaches to the continued American military presence in Asia and its desire to insulate the U.S.-Japan security relationship from economic and trade friction. The article concludes with the observation that Japan’s ability and willingness to operate as a global partner of the United States is much greater in some areas than in others. She is the co-author ofThe Political Economy of Agricultural Protection in Northeast Asia: East Asia in International Perspective (Allen and Unwin, 1986).  相似文献   

19.
His publications includeChina’s Development Experience in Comparative Perspective, and, with Allen Whiting,China’s Future. This is a revised version of a paper presented at a conference on “Problems of Peace, Security and Economic Cooperation in Asia and the Pacific” June 1987, in Beijing, P.R.C. The conference was co-sponsored by the Institute for Sino-Soviet Studies and the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations, Beijing, P.R.C.  相似文献   

20.
Zhihong Zhang 《East Asia》1999,17(3):61-87
This article examines the development of rural industrialization in China from the late 1950s to the mid-1990s. The initial attempt to industrialize China during the Great Leap Forward resulted in a short-lived rural industrialization program, epitomized by the frenzied establishment of hundreds of thousands of backyard furnaces. The second wave of rural industrialization came in the late 1960s and gave rise to the development of local “five small industries” aimed at providing goods and services for agricultural development. Since the introduction of economic reforms in the late 1970s, rural enterprises, known as township and village enterprises, have experienced explosive growth. They are no longer limited to the five small industries, but are engaged in producing consumer goods for both domestic and international markets. This article looks into the driving forces behind the growth of TVEs during the 1980s and examines the evolving roles and challenges they face in the 1990s. Li tu bu li xiang jin chang bu jin cheng. (Leave the land but not the village; enter the factory but not the city.) —A popular Chinese saying about rural industrialization in the 1980s This is based on a background review chapter of his doctoral dissertation, entitled “Industrialization and Energy Use: An Emprical Study of China's Township and Willage Enterprises,” University of Pennsylvania, 1997.  相似文献   

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