简论殖民地半殖民地革命的历史范畴——纪念毛泽东同志诞辰九十周年

毛泽东同志在《新民主主义论》中指出:“有两种世界革命,第一种是属于资产阶级和资本主义范畴的世界革命。这种世界革命的时期早已过去了。还在1914年第一次帝国主义世界大战爆发之时,尤其是在1917年俄国十月革命之时,就告终结了。从此以后,开始了第二种世界革命,即无产阶级的社会主义的世界革命。这种革命,以资本主义国家的无产阶级为主力军,以殖民地半殖民地的被压迫民族为同盟军。不管被压迫民族中间参加革命的阶级、党派或个人,是何种的阶级、党派或个人,又不管他们意识着这一点与否,他们主观上了解     

从社会革命类型的历史运动看我国改革的社会革命性质

一当前我同正在进行的改革,是一场深刻的社会革命。这已为人们广乏接受。但是,什么是社会革命?许多教材、论著甚至辞书几乎异口同声地回答:社会革命是阶级斗争的最高表现;社会革命的实质是革命阶级推翻反动阶级的统治,用先进的社会制度代表腐朽的社会制度,实现社会形态的质的飞跃。勿庸赘言,社会革命的这个规定,同我国当前改革的情况相距甚远。那么,我们的改革究竟属于社会革命的何种类型? 社会革命的类型是社会革命的具体表现。它似乎早有定论,其典型形态是:反对奴隶制的奴隶革命和新兴地主阶级革命;反对封建制的农民革命和资产阶级民主主义革命;     

落后的历史起点 特殊的社会进程——中国特色的社会主义道路探源

二十世纪以后,在中国这个生产力十分落后的半封建半殖民地的国家里之所以能够兴起人类历史上最为彻底的革命--无产阶级革命,革命以后之所以能够建立起当代世界上的最为先进的制度--社会主义制度,决不是偶然的机遇,更不是错误的选择。它是各种阶级力量长期较量的必然结果,是以马克思主义科学理论为指导的中国共产党慎审选择的正确道路。就其社会历史的根源来说,乃是中国社会合乎国情的规律特殊必然趋势。深入探索、缜密分析中国近代革命的特殊原因和社会主义建设的落后起点,对于坚定走中国特色的社会主义道路的信念不无裨益。     

论毛泽东统战理论中协调原则在新时期的运用与发展

论毛泽东统战理论中协调原则在新时期的运用与发展李宗楼在毛泽东统一战线理论中，协调原则占有极其重要的地位。毛泽东在长期领导中国革命和建设的实践中，客观地分析我国不同阶级、阶层、党派、团体以及其它社会力量在统一战线中存在的错综复杂的关系，提出了协调诸多关...     

平等是“共产主义的政治的论据”——马克思主义平等观的哲学辩证

在当代中国的社会主义实践中,实现公平正义是促进社会和谐、推动社会进步的重要原则。而彰显平等对于中国特色社会主义的现实意义,则构成了当代中国马克思主义发展的一个重要的理论进路。平等的口号不仅仅是革命阶级的自我标榜,也隐含着将革命阶级的意志普遍化为全体社会成员的意志,以便于发动群众,形成更大规模的革命优势的积极意义。依据马克思主义的理论逻辑,对于共产主义而言,平等的观念仅仅具有"政治的论据"的意义。显然,只有着眼于实践的意蕴对于平等内涵的辩证阐发,才是对于共产主义现实性的深刻论证。     

毛泽东群众路线思想在新形势下的发展路径

毛泽东把马克思关于人民群众是历史的创造者的科学原理同中国革命和建设的实践相结合,形成并确立了群众路线的思想,当今社会群体阶级多样化,人民的需求多样化,社会发展中的问题更加复杂,在这种新变化下,只有加强群众工作的能力;更好地依靠群众;完善制度保障;务实地解决人民群众关心的现实社会问题,才能促进毛泽东群众路线的深入贯彻落实。     

哈尔滨与护送“六大”代表接待站

中国共产党第六次全国代表大会在莫斯科召开,这是一次具有重大历史意义的会议。大会集中解决了当时困扰党的两大问题:一是中国社会性质仍然是半殖民地半封建社会;中国革命性质仍然是资产阶级性质的民主主义革命。二是明确了当时革命形势处于低潮;党的路线是争取群众。     

我国社会从新民主主义到社会主义的转变是历史发展的必然

1949年新民主主义革命的胜利,结束了中国一百多年的半殖民地半封建的社会,建立了新民主主义社会制度。紧接着,开始社会主义革命,经过自上而下和自下而上相结合,在继续完成民主革命遗留的任务的同时,逐步进行社会主义改造,使我国社会由新民主主义转变为社会主义。这个转变是经过革命的转变而实现的。从新民主主义转变到社会主义是近代中国历史发展的必然。一近代中国是一个半殖民地半封建的国家。近代中国的社会性质决定了中国革命的历史进程,必须分两步走:其第一步是民主主义的革命,其第二步是社会主义的革命。     

大革命时期毛泽东关于无产阶级领导权思想

我国无产阶级在民主革命中的领导权问题,是关系着革命成败的最基本的问题。我党老一辈无产阶级革命家对这个问题非常关注,在不同程度上作了论述,但党的“一大”至“四大”都没有完全解决这个问题。毛泽东在努力把马列主义普遍真理同中国革命具体实践相结合的过程中初步形成了关于我国民主革命中无产阶级领导权的思想。本文试图从比较分析和发展过程中来探讨这一问题。一无产阶级是追随资产阶级参加民主革命呢,还是领导各革命阶级进行民主革命?当时党内对这个问题是有争论的。以陈独秀为代表的一些人,对无产阶级的力量和作用产生了怀疑。他说:“产     

大革命时期马克思主义中国化的方法论奠基——以毛泽东同志的三篇经典文献为考察依据

大革命时期,毛泽东同志运用马克思主义的立场、观点和方法分析中国的社会实际和革命实际,为创造性地解决中国革命问题进行了艰苦探索,这些探索初步奠定了马克思主义中国化的方法论基础。以毛泽东同志《中国社会各阶级的分析》《国民革命与农民运动》《湖南农民运动考察报告》三篇经典文献为考察依据,深入探讨大革命时期毛泽东同志在马克思主义中国化的方法论方面做出的独特贡献。     

从三个维度看邓小平的现代化思想

与世界其他国家相比,中国的现代化道路起步于近代半殖民半封建社会的特殊国情,具有艰难曲折的特点。了解邓小平的现代化思想,有助于我们理解中国选择马克思主义、中国特色社会主义道路的历史必然性。可以从历史、价值、现实三个维度来把握邓小平的现代化思想。     

全面准确地理解马克思早年的“跨越”思想

马克思早年的“跨越”思想和晚年的“跨越”思想一样,指的都是“跨越”资本主义的经济制度,而不是指“跨越”政治革命和政治解放,直接实现社会革命和人类解放。马克思早年“跨越”思想的理论基础是“共同胜利论”和“发达国家带动论”。19世纪40年代,德国的社会性质是半封建半资本主义社会,德国的资本主义制度已经存在并正在发展。马克思、恩格斯把此时代的德国看作是“支配着世界市场”,并能首先进行无产阶级革命,建立共产主义社会的国家,因此认为德国能把前资本主义国家或非资本主义国家带到共产主义新社会中去,因而也不存在跨越“资本主义制度的卡夫丁峡谷”问题。     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Indigenous Australians and the rules of the social security system: Universalism, appropriateness and justice

Noel Pearson has recently argued that inclusion, over the last 30 years, in a 'passive' welfare system has been to the detriment of Aboriginal society. This article approaches the inclusion of Aboriginal people in the social security system from a slightly different perspective, while taking seriously Pearson's concerns. It argues that, despite norms and aspirations of universalism, rules within the social security system are social constructs derived from and intended for the particular social and economic circumstances of the dominant society. When those rules are applied to the very different social and economic circumstances of minority groups, such as Indigenous Australians, major issues of adaptation and interpretation arise. This article draws on research experience spanning 20 years on relations between Indigenous Australians and the social security system to illustrate the degree to which adaptation has occurred, in the pursuit of realism. However, it also argues that current relations between the social security system and Indigenous Australians are not just and fair because the rules of the system do not equally reflect Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples' social and economic circumstances.     

从马克思的市民社会观到当代社会观——市民社会理论视域下的中国"社会建设"

西方的市民社会理论经历了三个发展阶段，首先是市民社会与野蛮社会的分离，其次是市民社会与政治国家的分离，最后是市民社会与经济社会的分离。马克思的市民社会观处于第二个阶段，他剖析了现代市民社会的产生和内在矛盾，揭示了市民社会的本质和发展方向。中国的“社会”正处于西方市民社会发展的第二阶段。而其历史背景却处于西方第二和第三阶段交错的现代性背景中。根据历史的经验与中国的现实，中国目前的社会建设首先要健全市场经济体制，推进政治体制改革；其次要加强以改善民生为主的社会建设，培育公民社会；最后要促进社会与国家的良性互动，克服市民社会的内在矛盾。     

The Radical Critique of Economic Inequality in Early American Political Thought

This article examines the ideological roots and historical development of an early radical economic egalitarian tradition in American political thought. It concentrates on a group of thinkers and social critics that were active from the 1820s through the beginning of the Civil War. Inspired by republican themes, they forged a radical critique of the emerging capitalist order and a skepticism of economic modernity. By reworking the republican political notion of an equality of social relations as an essential context for individual liberty, these radical critics posed a challenge to the emerging capitalist order. They would also be unique in the way that they analyzed the workings of this new economic system arguing that it was a mechanism that would systematically reproduce economic inequality eroding republican forms of government and society making them a distinct voice in America's egalitarian tradition.     

Citizens,Partners or Patrons? Corporate Power and Patronage Capitalism

Abstract

The addition of new social roles in public service and civil society to large business corporations' enormous economic power and substantial political influence suggests novel but little-understood changes in the institutional relations between business, state and civil society. Sociological emphasis on the centrality of power relations in business conduct and radical diagnoses of a corporate ‘take-over’ of public and civil society institutions is contradicted by other literature which portrays corporations as socially responsible benefactors rather than all-powerful behemoths. The present analysis assesses rival emphases on power relations and normative shifts toward corporate social responsibility in the sphere of business–civil society partnerships. It argues that, in the United States and Britain, a new set of institutional relationships is emerging to fill a vacuum in tackling social and environmental problems. In this new institutional field, large corporations are taking on the role of patrons to a variety of clients amongst public and civil society organisations. This social relationship parallels similar episodes of patronage when systems of community and public welfare disintegrated during the rise of capitalism.     

Capitalism,nature, socialism a theoretical introduction∗

This article expounds the traditional Marxist theory of the contradiction between forces and relations of production, over‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of productive forces and production relations into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. This exposition provides a point of departure for an “ecological Marxist”; theory of the contradiction between capitalist production relations and forces and the conditions of production, under‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of production conditions and the social relations thereof also into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. In short, there may be not one but two paths to socialism in late capitalist society.

While the two processes of capital over‐production and underproduction are by no means mutually exclusive, they may offset or compensate for one another in ways which create the appearance of relatively stable processes of capitalist development. Study of the combination of the two processes in the contemporary world may throw light on the decline of traditional labor and socialist movements and the rise of “new social movements”; as agencies of social transformation. In similar ways that traditional Marxism illuminates the practises of traditional labor movements, it may be that “ecological Marxism”; throws light on the practices of new social movements. Although ecology and nature; the politics of the body, feminism, and the family; and urban movements and related topics are usually discussed in post‐Marxist terms, the rhetoric deployed in this article is self‐consciously Marxist and designed to appeal to Marxist theorists and fellow travelers whose work remains within a “scientific”; discourse hence those who are least likely to be convinced by post‐Marxist discussions of the problem of capital's use and abuse of nature (including human nature) in the modern world. However, the emphasis in this article on a political economic “scientific”; discourse is tactical, not strategic. In reality, more or less autonomous social relationships, often non‐capitalist or anti‐capitalist, constitute “civil society,”; which needs to be addressed on its own practical and theoretical terms. In other words, social and collective action is not meant to be construed merely as derivative of systemic forces, as the last section of the article hopefully will make clear.     

Building a Harmonious Society and Achieving Individual Harmony

Rapid economic growth in China is accompanied by economic disparity, corruption, crime, and a great deal of frustration among China’s citizens. These social problems threaten the country’s further development, social stability, and harmony. This study discusses the recent campaign in China for a harmonious society. Many Chinese scholars, officials, and citizens seem to believe that more effective and efficient social structures will result in social harmony. However, social harmony is a more complex social psychological phenomenon which is determined by the interactions among social values, people, and society. People achieve social harmony when they feel their values and desires are attainable in society. They have to make strong social and psychological effort if they want to successfully achieve harmony with nature, society, and themselves. Ai Guo Han, professor of Writing Arts at Rowan University. He received a doctorate from the Indiana University of Pennsylvania and is specialized in writing pedagogy and language studies. He teaches courses in freshman writing, TESOL, Chinese language and culture. He is the Executive Vice President of the Association of Chinese Professors of Social Sciences and Humanities in the United States and actively promotes academic and cultural programs between China and the United States. His recent research focuses on Daoist philosophy and rhetorical traditions. The author wishes to thank the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments.     

中国经济定型之后社会转型若干问题

与中国的经济转型相比,中国的社会转型远不如前者成功,存在许多值得争议之处。为此,首先需要明确社会转型的四个前提约束条件。在这样的前提约束条件之下认识中国社会转型的具体目标模式,就需要结合构建社会主义和谐社会的总体要求做进一步的理论探索。其中一个关键是如何正确看待社会事业的性质,前一段社会转型出现重大失误的主要原因就是沿用经济转型成功的理念指导社会转型,由此出现了重大偏差,忽略了社会事业自身的三种客观性。