从公德与私德的界限看公权的使用界限——对“青年看黄色网站被处罚”的思考

个体道德行为选择要把握两个领域公德和私德,二者没有严格的界限,应该同时注重。公权与私权之间的关系就是权力与权利之间的关系,公权与私权之间的使用界限体现为公权在私德领域内可以介入私权,也就是说在条件具备的情况下公权介入私权具有合法性,否则,就可能会导致人权和隐私权的践踏;同时还包括私权对公权不造成危害时当受到尊重和保护,否则,就可能会导致严重社会不良反应。因此,要保持公和私权利的平衡与和谐。     

我国转型时期地方政府政策制定:冲突治理与政策设计

在经济体制转型的基础上,我国社会政治体制、社会观念也面临着深刻的变革.地方政府作为公共政策的主要制定者,其政策制定要以公共权力、公民权利、利益协调为核心要素,逐步形成科学化规范化的冲突治理与政策设计模式.转型时期以地方政府为代表的公共利益与市场经济发展的局部利益的冲突成为政策制定的主要困境.需要完善权力运行体制和决策机制.扩大社会各方的广泛参与和促进有效的政策沟通.     

基层公务人员责任伦理的现实困境与规制对策

服务型政府之建构蕴含服务伦理与责任伦理的双重要求。服务型政府建设关键在基层政府层面,而基层公务人员作为基层政府建设的主要践行者,自身的责任伦理状况对政府伦理建构具有重要的支撑作用。基层公务人员面对个体私权与社会公权的融合交织、效忠组织与公共职责的冲突、角色身份多元化与行为多样化的选择往往陷入责任伦理困境。为此,应坚持以传统伦理刚性约束为主的路径选择,区分责任伦理中自我伦理与他人伦理、理论伦理与现实论理的不同论域,促进责任伦理的明确化与标杆化。     

论弱势群体暴力维权——以公权与私权的冲突为视角

弱势群体由于在权力和权利等方面处于弱势地位,当他们的权利受到侵害时,尤其是来自公权力的侵害时,由于权利救济途径的不足和失效、权利表达渠道不畅等原因,他们中一部分人选择通过暴力的方式来维权。这种维权方式造成了干群矛盾加剧,导致政府公信力下降,损害了法律权威。因此必须对公权力和私权利进行制约,并且加强化解公权与私权矛盾的制度建设。     

和谐社会建设对中国改革的挑战

和谐社会建设涉及到经济、行政和政治的管理制度、体制和机制的合理性与科学性.从当前我国社会的矛盾问题看,后者更具有根本性.当前影响社会和谐的主要问题是:人与自然之间的冲突,社会发展的严重失衡,公权与私权之间的矛盾以及管理体制自身的不和谐.为此而进行的创新和改革就应当是一个微观创新和宏观改革相结合的方案,是一个行政改革与政治改革并举的方案,是一个党的领导制度创新和政府管理体制改革兼顾的方案.下一步改革的具体战略布局,即为建立民主财政体制,减少行政层级,重构政府间关系,发展民间非营利组织,探索党政分开体制,完善制约权力体制.只有这种意义上的创新和改革,才能保证我国和谐社会的建设目标得以如期实现.     

投融资平台公司信用风险与地方政府信用失序——以法律为视角

法律冲突与制度扭曲环境下的投融资平台公司,从诞生之日起即具有结构性信用风险,而平台公司的信用风险与地方政府的信用具有相关性,其所具有的传导效应构成地方政府信用风险、宏观经济结构调整风险、土地政策调整风险、银行系统风险、财政风险这样一条具有多米诺骨牌效应的信用风险链并或将成为推手。加强地方政府的信用治理,从财政体制上、法律制度上规范地方政府信用秩序是防范平台公司信用风险的根本手段。     

群体性事件的原因与防范:协商民主的分析视角

社会转型时期以利益矛盾为主的群体性事件呈现上升趋势。群体性事件频发暴露出公民利益表达渠道的不畅通和公共政策的局部失衡,也反映出政府在利益协调、协商治理方面能力的不足。产生群体性事件的深层次原因是公民权利保障机制不完善,公共参与缺失造成的制度供给不足、应得权利失衡和权力缺少有效监督。从协商民主的视角看,扩大公共参与和实现协商治理是解决社会冲突的适宜选择。     

我国非物质文化遗产的保护模式论析

近年来,非物质文化遗产的保护引起了人们的广泛关注,而如何对其进行保护更成为争议热点.我国应该在对非物质文化遗产进行合理解构的基础上,通过公权和私权两种模式,既维护个人和地方的利益,调动他们保护非物质文化遗产的积极性,又不至于限制我国非物质文化遗产的传承和发展,以期更好地保护我国珍贵的非物质文化遗产.     

好政府的现代想象——关于洛克政府观念内在逻辑的政治哲学反思

人类建立政府不仅是理性的,而且在道德上是可以接受的.政府是化解人与人之间的冲突并能够使社会秩序普遍化的必要条件,是能够促进自由平等公民能够建立长期而稳定合作关系的重要机制.政府保障我们的身体免受他人伤害,保障我们的劳动果实不为他人所掠夺.政府提供陌生人之问合作必需的制度与规则,在陌生人之间建立起行为预期,使陌生人之间能够形成扩展秩序.一个优良的政府,是一个能够保障公民权利,促进社会公众福利最大化的有为政府,是一个能够维护公共秩序并为公民舒适生活创造条件的有限政府.更是一个能够服务公共利益的民主政府.政府守法是建立好政府必须面临的首要问题.建立好政府,需要政府权力功能性分权,也需要对政府财政进行民主控制.     

区域协调互动中地方政府阻滞的行为与制度解析——基于Int—B—Ins模型的分析

地方政府的行为深嵌于中央与地方以及地方与地方复杂交错的府际关系网络之中.并受制于国家宏观环境和微观制度安排的影响,表现为对地方利益最大化的理性追求.分析和消解地方政府阻碍区域协调互动的行为,应该在承认地方政府理性逐利人本性的基础上,从行为与制度的视角入手.本文通过Int-B-Ins模型的建构分析,对地方政府阻碍区域协调互动的行为与制度成因进行了深层解析,并着眼于促进区域协调互动提出引导地方政府优化行为的制度创新路径.     

军事软实力的战斗力生成机制及其建设途径

军事软实力在信息化战争中的作用日益突出.这是因为军事软实力通过对军队内部诸要素质量的提升和结构的优化,形成凝聚力、鼓舞力、文化力、整合力、创新力和瓦解力,能够极大地提高军队的战斗力.在我军武器装备技术水平与西方军事强国的巨大差距难以在短时间内发生根本性改变的情况下,加强军事软实力建设对于提高我军打赢信息化战争的能力具有十分重要的意义.     

论权力的特性与基础

作为政治学的基本概念,权力具有基本性、强制性、相互性和准实体性等几种主要特性.权力是最早的和最普遍的政治现象,权力是一种强制的影响力,权力只发生在人际之间,权力又有准实体的性质.权力可以建立在力量、智慧、习俗、制度和组织等基础之上.暴力可以导致服从,知识也能成为力量,习俗和制度都是支配个人的力量,组织与权威的联系更加密切.     

Persuasion,power and the conversational model

Several lines of study in the humanities and social sciences have drawn on the systematic analysis of the craft of persuasion given by texts in the rhetorical tradition. This review considers the usefulness of this tradition to a critical approach to relations between discourse and power. The books under review use rhetoric in literary study, in social psychology, and in studies of argument in a variety of social sciences, with varying degrees of success. I argue that rhetoric cannot provide a general methodology or basis for a political critique, but is can be useful if studies take into account the institutions in which discourse takes place, the conflicts constituting these institutions, and the excluded participants. Judging from the books under review, applications of the rhetorical tradition work best when they remain close to the practical problems of persuasion in a specific situation.     

Michael Leifer and the balance of power

Abstract

In the work of the late Professor Michael Leifer few concepts are invoked more often than the balance of power. It was due to his reliance on this concept that Michael Leifer came to be widely regarded as an exponent of realism and an advocate of countervailing balance of power practices. By reviewing Leifer's own writings, this article not only re-examines the now almost standard interpretation of his work, but also investigates the significance of the balance of power in his scholarship in new ways. The first section identifies the two key meanings Leifer explicitly imputed to the balance of power. It also examines Leifer's arguments relative to what he perceived as changes in the balance of power. This will be done with reference to his analyses of the international politics of Southeast and East Asia in the Cold War and post-Cold War period. The second section extends the discussion on the particularities of Leifer's writings on the balance of power, but relates it specifically to the question of what Leifer's writings suggest about his theoretical home. His ability to demonstrate the significance of the balance of power as a political factor in the foreign policies of individual Southeast Asian states is the focus of the third section. Finally, the article builds on Leifer's empirical writings on the importance of psychological factors in relation to the balance of power as policy to take up theoretically important questions that he himself did not pursue, particularly about the extent to which the balance of power is the product of struggles for security and recognition. The article draws three conclusions. First, Leifer should be thought of not as a diehard advocate of conventional balance of power practices, but rather as a scholar broadly working within English School parameters who was deeply wedded to the idea that the balance of power is necessary to uphold regional order in international society in the context of the rise of a potentially hegemonic power. Second, one of the finest aspects of Leifer's scholarly legacy is to be found in his discussion of the balance of power factor in the foreign policies of Southeast Asian states. Third, Leifer should also be an inspiration to those interested in empirical work underlining the importance of struggles for recognition in the formation and practice of the balance of power.     

司法权监督行政权的法律制度比较探析

我国行政法律监督制度的起步时间不长,但在司法权对行政权的监督上,已经建立起具有中国特色的、基本符合我国国情的司法监督制度.我国司法权对行政权的监督依据是人民主权学说和国家机关之间的职能分工;监督的功能既包括制约行政机关行使职权,又包括维护和保障行政权力的有效行使;监督的主体既包括普通的人民法院,又包括人民检察院;监督的范围主要是行政机关具体行政行为的合法性.这些方面与西方国家有较大的区别.受制于其国情和统治者的需要的西方国家司法权对行政权的法律监督制度是不能照抄照搬的;但对其有益的、符合国家权力运行规律的、符合法治国家建设要求的部分,我国是可以参考和借鉴的.     

论权力的制约与监督

权力自身的强制性和不可抗拒性以及由此而产生的诱惑性和腐蚀性决定了必须对其进行制约和监督.对权力主体产生的制约、权力行使过程的制约以及权力运行后果的制约构成了整个权力运行的制约机制.我国权力监督机制在实际运行中还存在明显的缺陷,必须完善党内监督体系,更好地硬化人大监督,发挥监督主体的独立性和权威性,加强群众监督.     

Measuring majority power and veto power of voting rules

We study voting rules with respect to how they allow or limit a majority from dominating minorities: whether a voting rule makes a majority powerful and whether minorities can veto the candidates they do not prefer. For a given voting rule, the minimal share of voters that guarantees a victory to one of the majority’s most preferred candidates is the measure of majority power; and the minimal share of voters that allows the minority to veto each of their least preferred candidates is the measure of veto power. We find tight bounds on such minimal shares for voting rules that are popular in the literature and used in real elections. We order the rules according to majority power and veto power. Instant-runoff voting has both the highest majority power and the highest veto power; plurality rule has the lowest. In general, the greater is the majority power of a voting rule, the greater its veto power. The three exceptions are: voting with proportional veto power, Black’s rule and Borda’s rule, which have relatively weak majority power and strong veto power, thus providing minority protection. Our results can shed light on how voting rules provide different incentives for voter participation and candidate nomination.