Disputes and conflicts inside organizations: A systems approach

Book reviewed in this article: Robert R. Blake and Jane Srygley Mouton , Solving Costly Organizational Conflicts David Ewing , Justice on the Job William L. Ury, Jeanne M. Brett , and Stephen B. Goldberg , Getting Disputes Resolved: Designing Systems to Cut the Costs of Conflict Alan F. Westin and Alfred G. Feliu , Resolving Employment Disputes Without Litigation James T. Ziegenfuss , Organizational Troubleshooters: Resolving Problems with Customers and Employees     

Plaintiffs by proxy: A firm-level approach to WTO dispute resolution

Lobbying by multinational business firms drives the agenda of international trade politics. We match Fortune Global 500 firms to WTO disputes in which they have a stake and to their political activities using public disclosure data. The quantitative evidence reveals traces of a principal-agent relationship between major MNCs and the US Trade Representative (USTR). Firms lobby and make political contributions to induce the USTR to lodge a WTO dispute, and once a dispute begins, firms increase their political activity in order to keep USTR on track. Lobbying is overwhelmingly patriotic—the side opposing the US position is barely represented—and we see little evidence of MNCs lobbying against domestic protectionism. When the United States is targeted in a dispute, lobbying by defendant-side firms substantially delays settlement, as the affected firms pressure the government to reject concessions. Lobbying on the complainant side does not delay dispute resolution, as complainant-side firms have mixed incentives, to resolve disputes quickly as well as to hold out for better terms.     

泰北山地民族文化的变迁与延续

泰国北部诸多山地民族在漫长的历史发展进程中创造了独特的物质文化、制度文化和精神文化。在外部世界的冲击和各种异文化的影响下,泰北山地民族文化发生了一些变化,但其的主要文化却得以传承和延续,成为其作为民族的重要标志,为世界民族文化多样性作出了重要贡献。     

A Promising Future for People-to-people Connectivity:Sidelight of CAFIU delegation's visit to Thailand,Sri Lanka and Nepal

正At the invitation of Thai-Chinese Culture and Economy Association,Sri Lanka-China Friendship Association and Nepal Council of World Affairs,Mr.Liu Hongcai,CAFIU Vice President,former Ambassador to the DPRK and former IDCPC Vice Minister,headed a CAFIU delegation to the three countries from May 17 to26.CAFIU Deputy Secretary-General Zheng Yao was also in the delegation.During the visit,Mr.Liu Hongcai met with Suthep Thaugsuban,former Deputy Prime Minister and     

Political violence in Sri Lanka: A diagnostic approach

The main objective of this article is to examine the causes and pattern of political violence waged by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka. It is the argument of the article that the origin and development of the JVP and the LTTE relate more closely to the social expansion and the lack of economic and political development in Sri Lanka since the beginning of the 1960s. Basically, both groups are more action‐oriented than ideology‐oriented and dominated by youth with a similar socio‐economic background. Their ideology is a mixture of ethno‐nationalism and various interpretations of Marxism. The strategy of the JVP was based on an objective of launching a short‐term armed insurrection. The LTTE's aim is to overthrow the forces of the Sri Lankan government through a protracted armed struggle. Although the left‐wing insurrection of the JVP was crushed by the government security forces, it is evident that there is a possibility of its re‐emergence in its violent form. The on‐going separatist guerrilla warfare by the LTTE seems to be an unwinnable war. In the presence of youth insurrections in Sri Lanka, the utmost requirement is a sound counter‐insurgency policy accompanied by political reforms.     

A game theoretic approach to coalition politics in an indian state

The objective of this research is to formulate a game‐theoretic formulation of the coalition politics in the state of West Bengal, India. Political history of this state in the sixties is analysed and put in a game theoretic structure. It is then used to derive the theoretical solution which was found to be the same as the real situation. It is also indicated how the model can be used to predict the coalition structure in the future.     

A logistics support framework: a systems-based approach to logistics planning for development projects

Logistics support plays a critical role in the delivery of quality health care services, particularly in developing countries. This study utilised systems methodology and Integrated Logistics Support (ILS) analysis to develop a support framework for a Vision Centre in rural Vietnam. The methodology employs elements of both “soft” (in particular Checkland's Soft Systems Methodology approach) and “hard” systems practices to develop an accessible and robust logistics planning tool.     

A sub-national approach to state-building and security: the role of municipal institutions in Colombia's DDR process

The Mayoral Offices of the two most important cities in Colombia— Bogotá and Medellín—played a key role in implementing the national policy of DDR that took place under the Presidency of Alvaro Uribe. Both Mayors developed municipal policies to provide services to ex-combatants from paramilitary and guerrilla groups. The analysis of these policies contributes to the understanding of the role that municipal authorities play in underpinning and redefining national policies of security and reintegration of ex-combatants. The dichotomy between military security and human security presents a theoretical framework to study how national and sub-national authorities interact on the basis of their different security needs. Municipal authorities had to address three main challenges in the reintegration of ex-combatants: first, the consequences of a sudden increase in population and the subsequent pressure on security and coexistence; second, the resistance from the recipient communities and having to achieve a balance in the services provided to victims and demobilised; third, how to establish effective collaboration between municipal and national authorities. The DDR was nationally built, but it was consolidated at the sub-national level.     

政治转型中的制度因素：泰国选举制度改革研究

本文认为,泰国政局持续动荡的重要原因,在于各派政治利益集团在重新划定权力边界的政治转型过程中始终未能在政治制度层面达成显规则与潜规则的相互契合。尽管各方对改变“小党林立”格局存在共识,但“反他信”阵营的既得利益集团偏好“两党对峙”格局,而“挺他信”阵营的新兴利益集团倾向“一党优势”格局。由于两派都存在对“实际控制力一潜规则权力边界”的错位误判,使得各方难以通过选举制度的显规则调整来重新划定彼此间的权力边界,从而导致持续的政治冲突与角力。     

Stability and change in international policy-making: A punctuated equilibrium approach

International organizations (IOs) have developed into important policy venues beyond the state. Yet our understanding of the broader dynamics of IO policy-making is limited. This article offers the first comparative analysis of macro patterns in IO policy-making. Theoretically, we draw on punctuated equilibrium theory to develop hypotheses about stability and change in the orientation of IO policy agendas. Empirically, we examine novel data on the policy output of five general-purpose IOs between 1980 and 2015, combining statistical analysis and comparative case illustrations. The analysis yields two central results. First, the policy agendas of all five IOs display patterns of punctuated equilibria, with longer periods of stability interrupted by shorter periods of dramatic change. Second, the level of institutional friction in decision-making contributes to variation in punctuations across IOs and within IOs over time. The results suggest four broader implications: (1) punctuated equilibrium theory applies to a broader empirical domain than previously thought; (2) patterns of change in IOs are more complex than conventionally expected; (3) institutional friction matters for IOs’ responsiveness to societal demands and problem pressures; and (4) deeper integration of punctuated equilibrium theory into the study of IOs can pave the way for a promising IR research agenda.     

胸膜肺炎放线杆菌apx I A基因在不同宿主系统中的表达及密码子偏好性分析

用PCR方法从胸膜肺炎放线杆菌(APP)血清1型参考株APP259的基因组DNA中,扩增了约954 bp的apx I A基因片段,分别构建了大肠杆菌表达栽体pGEX-4T-1/apx I A和毕赤酵母表达载体pPICZαA/apx I A.对目的基因密码子偏好性进行了分析,发现其中有4个大肠杆菌稀有密码子,占1.2%;有49个毕赤酵母稀有密码子,占15.4%.利用所构建的大肠杆菌表达载体pGEX-4T-1/apx I A和毕赤酵母表达载体pPICZαA/apx I A分别进行表达.结果显示,目的基因在大肠杆菌中能以包涵体形式进行高效表达,其融合蛋白占菌体总蛋白的32%;在毕赤酵母中则以较低水平分泌表达至培养基的上清液中,40倍浓缩后方能检测到少量目的蛋白.证实,目的基因序列中的密码子偏好性影响其在大肠杆菌和毕赤酵母中的表达.     

中国果蔬出口东南亚面临的贸易壁垒及对策——以印度尼西亚、菲律宾、马来西亚、泰国、越南为例

一、中国果蔬出口东南亚现状 （一）中国对东南亚国家果蔬出口占对其农产品出口总额比重较高 东南亚各国是中国果蔬出口的主要市场之一。随着中国-东盟自由贸易区建设的不断发展，中国对东南亚各国的果蔬出口取得了进展，2003年6月中国与泰国正式签署了关于加速取消两国蔬菜和水果关税的协议，根据该协议，     

Feedback loops in a world of complexity: a cybernetic approach at the interface of foreign policy analysis and international relations theory

Feedback in foreign policy occurs when a state's foreign policy affects the international context of that state and those changes in context subsequently impact on the state's future foreign policy decisions. In this way, feedback loops can develop, which may become self-reinforcing and in which foreign policy and international context continuously affect each other. Even though such processes are ubiquitous especially in a globalized world, they have hitherto received little systematic attention. We introduce cybernetics as a perspective that puts such feedback effects at the centre of attention and provides an accessible sequential framework for analysing them. Such a cybernetic analysis not only demonstrates the significance of feedback processes in foreign policies but also speaks to several recent debates in international relations theory and foreign policy analysis. In particular, it highlights processes of learning and change, of non-linearity and indeterminacy, and enables the researcher to integrate insights from structure- and agency-based approaches. We outline the merits of a cybernetic analysis by discussing the effects of feedback in the United States' War on Terror.     

Toward a measurement tool for the monitoring of media diversity and pluralism in South Africa: A public-centred approach

Abstract

This article responds to recent debates within South African media politics regarding the diversity and transformation of the print sector in the country, by suggesting a necessary refocus of previously used methods of measuring media diversity and proposing a more audience-centred approach. This audience-centred method is discussed with regard to meeting the demands of the normative understanding of media diversity, where the media are viewed as central to an individual's formulation of opinions and ideas, thus rendering the media – and particularly the news media – vital in fostering an enabled and informed citizenry. The argument proposes a bottom-up instead of a top-down methodology for measuring media diversity, by placing the primary focus on the public as the starting point, rather than the end point of the analysis, and validating this position through the normative view of the media's role in assisting citizens to formulate personal views. The article concludes by listing four key areas in which current debates on media diversity in South Africa should be realigned and refocused, including at a parliamentary level.     

Securitisation from below: the relationship between immigration and foreign policy in South Africa's approach to the Zimbabwe crisis

The political and economic debacle in Zimbabwe has led to a large-scale influx of Zimbabweans into neighbouring South Africa. This article argues that there is a complex and significant link between the domestic response to this immigration influx and South Africa's foreign policy towards Zimbabwe. South Africa's foreign and security policy elite preferred to use an immigration approach of benign neglect as a tool to promote its ‘quiet diplomacy’ approach towards the Zimbabwean regime, treating the influx as a ‘non-problem’. But increased xenophobic violence, vigilantism and protests in townships and informal settlements against Zimbabwean and other African immigrants, culminating in widespread riots across the country in 2008, contributed to a change not only in immigration policy but also in the mediation efforts towards the Zimbabwean parties. I argue that this foreign policy change was pushed by a process of ‘securitisation from below’, where the understanding of Zimbabwean immigrants as a security threat were promoted not by traditional security elites but by South Africa's marginalised urban poor.