以党内民主推动人民民主——基于成都市基层民主政治建设的调查

党的十七大报告中明确指出:"要以扩大党内民主带动人民民主,以增进党内和谐促进社会和谐。"以党内民主推动人民民主,是中国共产党多年来总结经验得出我国民主政治建设的可行途径。成都则是中国基层民主试验阵地,在统筹推进"四个民主"互动发展中,创造性地走出了一条"扩大党内民主、推动基层民主、带动社会民主"的基层民主建设新路子,取得了显著的社会成效。     

改革开放以来中国共产党加强民主执政能力建设的实践特色考察

改革开放以来,中国共产党在加强民主执政能力建设的实践中展示出了诸多鲜明特色,主要是以推进社会主义民主政治建设为实践基础,注重提高构建民主执政体制和机制的能力;坚持社会主义民主制度化和法制化的能力;探索适合中国国情的社会主义民主政治发展模式的能力;以党内民主推动人民民主的能力等。考察和分析这些基本特点,对于探寻党民主执政的规律有着重要的意义。     

从选拔政治到选举政治:党内民主的转型

党内民主属于社会组织民主,对人民民主的带动作用在于构建科学执政、民主执政、依法执政的执政体制与执政方式。党内民主以保证党的执政使命完成为旨归,以党员民主权利的意识自觉为驱动。当前应当推进其从选拔政治到选举政治的转型,以形成党内民主的选举政治模式。     

以扩大党内民主带动人民民主的实现路径探讨

在党内民主上下工夫,以扩大党内民主带动人民民主,是中国共产党从中国社会主义现代化的实际出发,为推进中国民主政治发展所作出的战略性选择。其实现路径为:以制度建设为根本,把学习和研究党内民主制度问题作为建设学习型政党的一个重要任务;以党内民主的示范为中介和桥梁;以党内民主与人民民主各种形式的互动为机制。这一民主建设的途径必将有效地推进中国民主化进程。     

党内民主对人民民主的示范和带动作用分析——学习十六大报告的点滴体会

发展社会主义民主政治是我国现代化建设的基本目标之一,选择什么样的路径实现这一目标是问题的关键所在。党的十六大做出了以党内民主示范和带动人民民主的战略部署与具体安排。以党内民主示范和带动人民民主符合中国政治发展的历史逻辑,但是,党内民主和人民民主是界域不同的民主,我们不能把示范和带动理解为人民民主是党内民主的简单延伸与放大,只有从中国特色、民主制度化、人民的主体地位和政治文明的视角审视示范和带动,才能正确理解它的深刻涵义。     

发展协商民主与发展党内民主——对我党党内民主建设的回顾和思考

在中国共产党走过的近90年历程中,伴随着从革命党向执政党的重大转折,党内民主建设理念的强化和协商民主传统的弘扬是我党建党理念转变的重要内容之一。中国共产党以追求最高水平的党内民主为自己的宗旨。20世纪80年代以来,是中国共产党加强党内民主建设,并带领全国人民加强社会主义民主政治建设的三十多年,也是协商民主传统得以进一步弘扬的三十多年。面对我党党内民主建设中所存在的诸多问题,发展协商民主,扩大、推广我国成功的协商民主模式,是党内民主带动人民民主的新途径。     

民主执政:“为民作主”与“人民当家作主”

“为民作主”与“人民当家作主”的民主执政理念有显著的不同。中国共产党的民主执政必须以为人民执政为基础,以靠人民执政为动力,以支持和保证人民当家作主为目的和归宿。而这必须以制度保障为前提。当前,应加强党内民主制度化,改革和完善党的领导方式和执政方式,建立培育人民群众参与能力的制度,发展和完善中国共产党领导下的多党合作和政治协商制度。     

如何实现以党内民主带动人民民主

中共党的十六大特别是党的十七大后.发扬和扩大"党内民主"的命题.其理论话语体系由过去属于党建领域的问题已跃升为推进整个国家民主建设的战略抉择在中国.党内民主所具有的能够推进人民民主发展的优势.都充分说明了"以党内民主带动人民民主"是实现党推进政治现代化的一个战略性一选择.发展社会主义民主政治是我们党始终不渝的奋斗目标,问题的关键在于通过何种路径.实现中国特色社会主义民主政治.通过发扬党内民主示范带动人民民主的作用.充分挖掘现有体制内有效政治制度资源.以期促进中国式民主政治的发展.     

从发展党内民主走向人民民主

通过扩大党内民主、示范和带动人民民主,推进国家民主政治建设是一种战略的选择.人民民主不是党内民主的简单外溢,党内民主示范和带动人民民主需要一套运行和实现的机制:包括党内民主对人民民主的价值示范效应、党内民主的实践对人民民主的经验性示范作用、党内民主和人民民主的制度互动关系,以及党内民主升华为人民民主并创造出中国民主政治的新模式.中国的历史传统、现实国情和国际环境决定了中国的民主政治建设要走一条创新之路.我们在解放思想的基础上,应进一步探讨"党内民主"是否可以扩展为"党的民主",后者更具有理论逻辑、宽广的外延和更可行的运行机制.     

从发展党内民主走向人民民主

一、从民主政治发展的高度认识通过扩大党内民主、示范和带动人民民主，推进国家民主政治建设的战略选择 1、30年来中国民主政治建设的路径选择及其实践     

再论以党内民主推进社会民主——关于党内民主的几个问题

以党内民主推进社会民主,应看作是中国进行渐进性政治体制改革的合理路径选择,是符合中国实际情况,代价最小收益最大,最能获得各方面认同而形成最大共识的改革方案。但如何发展党内民主,目前仍有不少问题,如党内民主的可能性问题,党内民主建设的顺序问题,对民主集中制的理解问题,如何有效保障党员的民主权利问题,我们都需要进行认真地讨论,其中一些错误的观念也需要澄清。     

From Evaluating Democracy Assistance to Appraising Democracy Promotion

Organisations involved in delivering international democracy assistance are engaging increasingly with questions about how to assess their activities. A double shift in the terms of reference, from the ex post evaluation of assistance projects or programmes to ex ante appraisal of the broader democracy promotion strategies, could make democracy promotion more effective. This does not mean abandoning the former; on the contrary its status would be enhanced. Improving the chain of learning that leads from assistance evaluations to the formulation of promotion strategies could improve decision-making over how and whether to promote democracy abroad. Because strategies for democracy promotion are constitutive of the political relationship with countries, different strategies have different implications for the possibilities of political self-determination. For that reason and because democratisation and hence effective democracy promotion may be beneficial for human development, international peace and national security, strategies that reflect informed appraisal would be an improvement on a defective status quo. The challenges include: more systematic data gathering; innovative ways of comparing the various democracy promotion options; and institutional changes that connect the research findings to the high politics of policy-making.     

Learning to Love Democracy: Electoral Accountability and the Success of Democracy

This article explains why dissatisfaction with the performance of individual politicians in new democracies often turns into disillusionment with democracy as a political system. The demands on elections as an instrument of political accountability are much greater in new than established democracies: politicians have yet to form reputations, a condition that facilitates the entry into politics of undesirable candidates who view this period as their “one‐time opportunity to get rich.” After a repeatedly disappointing government performance, voters may rationally conclude that “all politicians are crooks” and stop discriminating among them, to which all politicians rationally respond by “acting like crooks,” even if most may be willing to perform well in office if given appropriate incentives. Such an expectation‐driven failure of accountability, which I call the “trap of pessimistic expectations,” may precipitate the breakdown of democracy. Once politicians establish reputations for good performance, however, these act as barriers to the entry into politics of low‐quality politicians. The resulting improvement in government performance reinforces voters’ belief that democracy can deliver accountability, a process that I associate with democratic consolidation. These arguments provide theoretical microfoundations for several prominent empirical associations between the economic performance of new democracies, public attitudes toward democracy, and democratic stability.     

Does Sex Matter to Democracy?

In order to isolate, theoretically, the vital mechanisms that constrain women as citizens in Western, democratic societies, it is necessary to go beyond explanations in terms of work, into sexuality However, it is not the practice of sexual coercion which, though a serious wrong, is fundamental in subordinating women in the formally free society; it is rather the freely given—and taken—love. Furthermore, if scrutinizing pre-democratic, anti-feminist arguments can help to reveal the situation today, it is the utilitarian view of women's sexual resources, rather than arguments about sexually differentiated—and inferior female— nature , which is crucial. Secondly, the concept of 'difference', now so popular among feminist writers, is important, especially when used empirically to avoid oversimplifying unity thinking about each of the sex/gender groups. But it is not tit for conceiving the power transactions going on in the socio-sexual process Furthermore. I suppose that one of the most important tasks of feminism is to balance the weights of (different) individuality and collectivity to mutually developmental values. Thirdly, women want more than 'equal chances', something other than 'equal results', and the 'different but equally valuable' must, to be women-worthy, be defined by women themselves. In a democratic society, if women are to be full and equal members, as leaders and led, then women and men have to be openly accepted as two fundamental, interested parties in society Finally, women should not claim this citizen status first and foremost as mothers, but simply as women. i e. as female, social 'incarnate subjects'.     

对壳体企业履行民主程序的思考

壳体企业,是指由于调整和转改制,企业已停止生产经营活动多年,且大多数职工已离开企业工作岗位,但仍与企业保持着劳动关系,目前只有少数管理和留守人员维持"门面"的国有、集体及其控股企业。近年来,一些企业集团为实施新的发展战略,对一些条件已成熟的壳体企业,根据不同情况,