欧洲经济宪法的发展及其对共同市场的规制——以自由竞争与自由流动为例

"经济宪法"概念是德国弗莱堡学派用于整合其秩序自由主义思想的核心工具,它对"欧洲经济宪法"的形成和发展发挥了重要影响。由于欧盟是一个"没有国家的市场",法律在对市场的规制方面发挥的作用就愈加重要。在欧盟半个多世纪的发展过程中,"欧洲经济宪法"也愈益完善,并以自由竞争与自由流动这两个原则为核心,建构了一系列规范共同市场、成员国与私人经济体之间关系的宪法性原则,从而在保障欧洲市场统一的同时,也有效地实现了保护个人自由等政治目的。     

欧洲经济模式评析——从效率与公平的视角

统一市场和经济货币联盟以及协调的欧盟经济政策结构是欧洲经济模式的基础。欧盟的经济模式是欧洲内部若干子模式结合的产物,德国弗莱堡学派的秩序自由主义的原则对欧洲经济一体化产生了较大的影响,在德国模式和欧洲模式之间有四点相似的特征。欧洲经济模式的特征是寻求经济效率和社会公平的均衡发展,是社会市场经济和福利国家市场经济的混合模式。通过采用基尼系数和全球竞争力指数对欧盟国家的效率和公平状况进行综合比较,在欧盟内部存在着4个略有差异的子模式,表明在效率和公平之间并不必然存在着此消彼长的替代关系。     

试析泰国社会运动和政治不稳定的根源

自2005年以来,泰国政治风波不断,社会运动此起彼伏.无论是他信派还是反他信派势力执政,政府都面临着来自民间力量的强大压力.本文对社会运动的概念作了初步探讨,并且确定了泰国半自主、半宪政的国家类型.在此基础上,文章从政治形态、经济背景、文化传统三个分析维度考察近三年来泰国社会运动多发和政治秩序不稳定的深层根源.     

对当前西方"安全研究"论战的评析

随着冷战的结束,西方"安全研究"领域正经历着一场方兴未艾的学术论战,不同的学术范式之间主要对安全研究的主体、层次及趋向乃至"安全"本身的定义存在着不同的观点.本文讨论和评述了"传统派"、"扩展派"以及"批评派"的理论观点,并提出了对此论战的看法.     

卞崇道与京都学派哲学研究

京都学派哲学研究是卞崇道哲学研究的一个重要领域,围绕京都学派哲学的定位与评价、京都学派研究的基本特征、京都学派哲学的现代意义等一系列问题,论文通过梳理卞崇道教授针对该学派的学术研究,阐述了其始终致力探讨的“树立他者意识,站在他者立场,客观地认识、研究日本思想文化”的方法论,并高度评价了卞崇道站在“东亚”乃至“全球”的视域来认识日本与中国的思想文化,构建起21世纪的东亚哲学的远大目标。     

欧盟决定与土耳其展开入盟谈判述评

2004年12月,欧盟决定与土耳其展开入盟谈判.欧盟选择以地缘政治及延伸欧洲价值观范围为目标的扩展战略引起了广泛的争论.本文试图通过对赞成派和反对派观点的评述,分析土耳其加入欧盟将对双方及国际政治产生的影响.     

泰国国王宪政地位的流变

泰国宪政始于1932年的六月革命,泰国国王在长达七十余年的宪政历程中扮演了多种角色.泰王在宪政中的作用大致可分为宪政附属者、宪政影响者和宪政幕后操纵者三种前后相继的角色,泰王角色的流变是泰国历史与现实诸多因素使然.     

雨果与拉马丁

对法国浪漫主义流派的研究,我国通常有一种极为普遍的观点:积极浪漫主义派体现资产阶级革命精神,其代表是维多克·雨果;“代表封建贵族反抗革命运动”的消极浪漫主义派,其代表则是阿尔封斯·德·拉马丁。(参考《辞海》“浪漫主义”条目)本文不准备探讨浪漫主义有否积极与消极之分,也不打算给雨果下结论;本文仅将这两     

危机的理论与理论的危机

本文介绍正统派与其他各种不同经济学派关于1997年东亚金融危机的生成根源的观点,展示各种经济学派对IMF休克拯救方案以及东亚经济复苏政策的不同看法,探索东亚金融危机对经济发展理论的影响。     

18世纪韩国哲学中出现的现代性问题--以朴齐家的实学思想为中心

一 前 言 18世纪韩国的思想界以新出现的实学派为主导,对其间一直流传下来的传统的性理学进行了批判。实学派与重视空谈和名分论的性理学家不同,他们重视具体与生动的现实和实际的学问。实学派不以形而上学的观点来看世界和评估社会,而是实事求是地说明世界并重视社会变革。     

Commonwealthmen and Republicans: Dr. H.V. Evatt, the Monarchy and India

H.V. Evatt's foreign policy has attracted considerable historical attention, but his response as Australian External Affairs Minister to Commonwealth constitutional issues remains neglected. Evatt sought to retain India in the Commonwealth in 1948–49, but he insisted that India ought to recognise the king's prerogatives in its constitutional arrangements. He had developed his defence of the monarchy and its place in the empire in his writings of the inter-war years, and sought to apply these ideas in his Commonwealth diplomacy of the late 1940s. Evatt's failure to have these ideas accepted resulted from his attempt to impose an ideal of the relationship between the monarchy and the Commonwealth, derived from his understanding of the evolution of constitutional relations between the United Kingdom and the old dominions, to the very different context of Asian postwar decolonisation.     

Macedonians in Anatolia: The Importance of the Macedonian Roots of the Unionists for their Policies in Anatolia after 1914

The article looks at statements and acts of the core members of the Committee of Union and Progress in the run-up to the constitutional revolution of 1908 to determine whether these express ideas that later guided them in their policies in Anatolia. The main argument is that the Balkan War of 1912–13, in which the European provinces were largely lost, was an important catalyst that led to a radicalization of policies but that in fact the basic outlook of the Young Turks had been shaped years earlier, during their struggle to keep Macedonia Ottoman. Their relative ignorance of Anatolia led them to read the social and political realities there through a Macedonian prism.     

Constitution of Democratic Kampuchea

Given China's record of suppressing freedoms and brutalising nationalistically-distinct territories in its midst, the alarm of Hong Kong's 1997 status change from British to Chinese association was especially shrill. After more than a decade of Chinese association, some scholars remain pessimistic. Some have suggested that as if “by a thousand cuts” Hong Kong's autonomous powers will slowly succumb to full Chinese political assimilation. Others have suggested that Hong Kong's autonomy is already dead and remains vulnerable to the unilateral fiat of Chinese authorities. By contrast to these views, this paper will argue that Hong Kong is a polity whose constitutional order is defended by political entrenchment. It is a partially independent political entity which exercises constitutional powers that are robustly defended by the political-economic influence (rather than constitutional influence) which it exerts upon China's central government. As this paper will show, the fortunes of China's leaders are linked to the performance of Hong Kong's economy. And since the territory's economy rests upon the pillars of its autonomous institutions, press freedom, rule of law and civil liberties, this prevents maximalist interference from Beijing.     

Alternatives to the constitution of Cádiz in New Spain: republicanism and the insurgent constitutional decree of Apatzingán (1814)

This article compares the Decreto Constitucional para la libertad de la América Mexicana, published in Apatzingán by the insurgents of New Spain in 1814, with the 1812 Constitution of Cádiz which established a constitutional monarchy in the Spanish Empire. It argues that the Decreto Constitucional cannot be understood as simply a product of Hispanic political thought and a reflection of the Cádiz text. Rather, it contends that the decree published in Apatzingán represents an alternative republican response to the dissolution of the Spanish monarchy. This alternate constitutional settlement drew on the debate of constitutional ideas that had taken place in New Spain since 1808 and was grounded in many of the same ideas as those present in the Pennsylvanian Constitution of 1776 and the first French republican constitutions of 1793 and 1795.     

Correspondence

For many years, Iranian views of Britain have been unfavourable. Yet, perhaps counter-intuitively, very positive impressions of Britain were formed by the first small group of Iranians to visit London, nearly two hundred years ago. They commented on everything; constitutional monarchy, politics, foreign policy, economics, society and social issues. In many cases their views of Britain contrasted with their unfavourable views of their own country, reflecting an eagerness to see Iran emulate Britain and embrace Modernisation/Westernisation. Yet their views were not uncritical and they were as accurate and as well-founded as the views of Iran put forward by British observers of Iran like Curzon.     

Taking Sides: Determinants of Support for a Presidential System in Turkey*

A key issue on the Turkish political agenda concerns a transition to presidentialism, with a constitutional amendment proposal submitted in December 2016. While the positions of political elites are well known, we lack a detailed analysis of the electorate’s views on such a transition. To fill this gap, we present cross-sectional and panel data collected over the period from spring 2015 to winter 2015–16. Partisanship emerges as the key factor shaping views on presidentialism, and reflections of the centre–periphery cleavage in Turkish politics are also visible. The shift of the Turkish nationalist constituency’s views in favour of presidentialism has been a significant trend in the aftermath of the June 2015 general election.     

Controversy over the concept ‘freedom’ during the Iranian constitutional revolution (1906– 09)

The Iranian constitutional revolution of 1906–09 paved the way for the establishment of new administrative institutions, adopting modern ideas and the hegemony of new political discourse over the archaic political reasoning. One of the most important aspects of the new discourse was the definition and internalization of modern concepts. This paper holds the view that the concept ‘freedom’ brought about a complicated problem for the socio-political sphere in the course of the Iranian revolution and, as such, deserves a thorough examination. Previous studies on the subject have usually neglected this aspect. Yet, this was exactly the main domain of the clash between traditionalism and modernity during the revolutionary years and brought about far-reaching results for Iranian society. This article attempts to contribute to this field by examining a number of Iranian journals of the period in order to evaluate their understanding of the concept ‘freedom’ and show the discrepancy between the constitutionalist and non-constitutionalist discourses.     

Constitutionalism and federalism in the ‘future of Europe’ debate: the German dimension

This paper examines some of the constitutional aspects of the ‘Future of Europe’ reform process in the light of interactions between German and ‘European’ federalism. Many aspects of the traditions of German federalism and German post-war constitutionalism have been influential, if not to say formative, for the evolution of the EU. These aspects are set out as a frame for the paper, before more detailed analysis of the constitutional process and a particular focus on the division of competences. The constitutional outcome reveals clear German ‘fingerprints’, though that finding needs to be balanced by a recognition of the constitutional debate as multi-perspectival, involving all member states both separately and collectively.     

Antonio Rosmini and representative institutions

SUMMARY

In this article, Georgio Campanini draws attention to the political ideas of the Italian philosopher Antonio Rosmini, who was an active participant in political debate in Italy in the first half of the nineteenth century. The article concentrates on Rosmini's most original idea, his insistence that in a representative system of government it is necessary to separate the securing of the political rights of the citizen from the ordinary processes governing the material interests of the society. Rosmini, who was orthodox in advocating an elected representative system, based on tax and property qualifications, to manage the ordinary business of the state, proposed a special institution, a Political Tribunal elected by universal male suffrage, with an open remit to intervene in government to defend the rights of the citizen. He held that the defence of individual rights could not be left safely in the hands of the state, but must be in the hands of independent representatives of every citizen, regardless of his place in society. Although Rosmini was able to put forward his ideas in the constitutional debates in Italy in 1848, they were not taken up. But his ideas anticipate current interest in Europe into setting up constitutional or supreme Courts to protect individual rights against the state, and Campanini suggests that, in this connection, the idea of their being elected by universal suffrage is worth serious consideration.     

“自由国际秩序”、多极化与俄罗斯的“2024议程”

在国际秩序构建问题上,伊肯伯里的"自由国际秩序"理论、普里马科夫的多极世界思想、基辛格的国际秩序演变观,是三种来自不同思想谱系、取向与功能各异、对国际秩序延续和转型有着各自思考的理论。虽然三种立场之间有时看似对立,存在着相互冲突与逆转的可能,但是不排除彼此接近、展开对话,乃至探寻共识的空间。从物理学意义上的外在结构,或简单引用历史先例,来寻找未来世界秩序演进的轨迹,显然已经不够。关注上述不同立场间的争议与各自在互动中的调整,研究各大国间很不相同的国内进程与"全球转型"之间的相互作用,具有重要的理论与现实意义。2020年初俄罗斯开启了"2024议程"。俄罗斯政府改组和普京提出宪法修正案等一系列重要部署与相关的广泛讨论,不仅旨在解决社会经济的紧迫挑战,同时也指向2024年现总统任期届满之后的中长期政治经济安排。像俄罗斯这样将当下困难问题的处理与长远发展战略部署加以联系,将本国内部事务的转型与未来世界发展的潮流相互衔接的做法,值得学界关注。