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1.
本文以民族宗教是两种社会历史文化现象、民族宗教问题相互交织互为前提,民族宗教问题的激化与社会大变革同步、理性的解决方式与极端行为的扩散长期并存等四个方面探讨了当代世界民族、宗教问题的成因特点和走向。指出,由冷战结束引起的世界民族,宗教问题的上扬和激荡,正在走向平稳,虽然个别地区、个别国家还会出现这样那样的冲突,但要出现上世纪90年代那种民族主义上扬和宗教政治浪潮基本上不可能。在和平与发展的时代主题下,国际社会处理民族、宗教问题的方式将更加理性且有效。  相似文献   

2.
本文以民族宗教是两种社会历史文化现象、民族宗教问题相互交织又互为前提,民族宗教问题的激化与社会大变革同步、理性的解决方式与极端行为的扩散长期并存等四个方面探讨了当代世界民族、宗教问题的成因、特点和走向。指出,由冷战结束引起的世界民族,宗教问题的上扬和激荡,正在走向平稳,虽然个别地区、个别国家还会出现这样那样的冲突,但要出现上世纪90年代那种民族主义上扬和宗教政治化浪潮基本上不可能。在和平与发展的时代主题下,国际社会处理民族、宗教问题的方式将更加理性且有效。  相似文献   

3.
当今国际社会大体上处于和平。但是随着前苏联的瓦解,原先一度被冷战所掩盖的民族问题逐渐暴露出来。一些极端民族主义分子趁机出动,打着民族主义旗号大行其道,他们蓄意制造各种事端,挑起民族间的纠纷和冲突,在世界各地掀起了一股民族主义浪潮。本文就极端民族主义问题稍作探讨。  相似文献   

4.
民族主义是伴随资本主义的发展而出现的,20世纪资本全球化的加速发展,对民族主义产生了重大影响,既推动着民族主义的发展,同时又与民族主义形成尖锐矛盾.如何应对资本全球化与民族主义的矛盾是构建和谐国际社会的关键.  相似文献   

5.
在当前全球化时代背景下,国际道德面临着一些问题,尤其是偏激的民族主义、极端宗教主义以及单边主义和霸权主义的出现,使得国际道德的构建面临巨大挑战。解决当前国际道德问题,需要国际组织、国家以及民众三者共同发力。  相似文献   

6.
如何认识当前中国的民族主义思潮   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
秦宣 《人民论坛》2012,(3):34-35
民族主义热度:观点与主张:民族主义是民族共同体成员对本民族的热爱和对民族生存与发展的追求与理想。中国当代民族主义抵制崇洋媚外心理;维护国家利益,维护国家统一;实现反对霸权主义,维护世界和平,建设和谐世界。  相似文献   

7.
孙中山的民族主义思想及其当代意义   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
曾成贵 《理论月刊》2007,1(5):62-64
民族主义是孙中山思想体系重要的组成部分。辛亥革命准备时期到中国国民党改组前,由狭隘的革命的民族主义,经过五族共和,演变为民族同化的民族主义;国民党改组及其后,承认国内民族一律平等,少数民族有自决自治的权利,争取中华民族的独立和自由,以建立各民族平等的世界新秩序为主旨。孙中山民族主义的形成发展以中国传统思想为基础,受到西方传统民族主义理论影响,正视顺应了20世纪民族解放运动的潮流。孙中山民族主义思想,是构建和谐世界的重要文化资源。继承发扬孙中山民族主义思想,应当与建设富强、民主、文明、和谐的现代国家有机结合起来。  相似文献   

8.
正确认识民族优惠政策   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
民族优惠政策是中国解决民族问题的重要举措,是社会主义民族关系的主要体现。但长期以来人们对于这一政策的看法并不一致,尤其随着市场经济的发展,国内外不断有人以不同的方式对民族优惠政策提出疑问。因此,有必要从认识上对此予以澄清,以在当前国际民族主义盛行、国内经济差距拉大的现实下,维护多民族中国的和谐与发展。  相似文献   

9.
全球化与西部民族地区的文化安全   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
球化是指所有世界各民族融合成一个单一社会、全球社会的变化过程。全球化始于经济一体化 ,进而扩展到政治和文化等各个领域。西方文化的全球扩张影响了西部民族地区的文化安全。为此 ,西部民族文化自身要在新的历史时期不断地发展和创新 ;要大力发展文化产业 ,促进西部民族地区的经济发展 ;要积极探索在新的时期保护和发展民族文化的多种形式 ;警惕全盘西化论和极端民族主义的回潮 ,保证西部民族地区文化的协调健康发展。  相似文献   

10.
冷战后世界范围的民族主义新浪潮,造成许多国家和地区一度政局动荡、经济衰退乃至文化保守,给国际社会带来了诸多负面影响.然而,民族主义具有多重功能.它的再度兴起和演变客观上也推动了复杂多变的国际关系朝着正常化的方向发展:民族国家的增生冲破了沙文主义牢笼,有利于改善长期扭曲的民族关系,民族生机得以复活;国际合作关系的建立引领时代潮流,成为促进国际关系正常化的重要推动力量;各民族国家重新审视国家利益原则,更加重视自身的全面发展.  相似文献   

11.
This paper examines the extent to which China's ‘Fourth generation’ leadership might be inclined to place a greater emphasis on nationalist rhetoric both in China's international relations and in domestic policy. It explores two different views of nationalism, namely state-centred and popular. With the decline in the public impact of official ideology, the Party–state has given tacit recognition to nationalism as one potential source of regime legitimisation. However, this article argues that by placing the Party at the centre of the official discourse the state-centred view of nationalism restricts the extent to which the Party–state can mobilise nationalist symbolism in support of its leadership and makes the Party vulnerable to criticism from more popular conceptions of nationalism. The priority given to developing the economy means China's leaders must downplay popular criticism which can focus on the negative consequences of China's growing interaction with the wider world. Under China's ‘Fourth generation’ leadership this tension may deepen. China's new leadership are unlikely to resort to ‘wrapping themselves in the flag’ as some commentators have suggested.  相似文献   

12.
This article critically appraises the narrative of nationalist resurgence in China in the 1990s that structures much of the secondary literature on Chinese politics since Tiananmen. Adopting a post-structuralist method, Chinese texts from the 1990s are treated as discursive rather than as expressions of a common consensus, emergent ideology or political movement. This makes it possible to bring out the disparate points of view concerning the desirability of nationalism for China and to understand the strategies that are being deployed by authors within the context of everyday Chinese politics. It also reveals the significance of the absence from both the primary and the secondary texts of any mention of the advocacy of nationalism by the political leadership. When this hidden discourse is taken into account, it becomes evident that many of the texts that have been taken as expressions of a nationalist revival are either not particularly interested in nationalism or are highly sceptical concerning its possibilities for solving the problems faced by the Chinese state. Particularly significant is the way in which many of the texts locate themselves in relation to the official discourse on nationalism by appropriating its themes in order to promote and legitimate a wide range of other discourses with which it can be bound up, ranging from democracy to authoritarianism.  相似文献   

13.
2012–2013 witnessed a renewed flare-up of anti-Japanese sentiment in Mainland China, followed by a toughening of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) Diaoyu Islands policy. Did popular nationalism influence the PRC’s military escalation? A lack of transparency in elite Chinese decision-making puts a definitive answer to this question beyond our reach. However, this article utilizes qualitative and quantitative analyses of anti-Japanese discourse and deeds in both cyberspace and on the streets of urban China to argue that the circumstantial evidence is compelling: nationalist opinion is a powerful driver of China’s Japan policy. The demands of nationalist legitimation appear to pressure the elite to respond to popular nationalism. Should one or more Chinese die at the hands of the Japanese navy or air force, therefore, the popular pressure for escalation and war will likely be more than China’s leaders can manage.  相似文献   

14.
范若兰 《思想战线》2006,32(1):20-25
殖民地、第三世界国家民族主义和女权主义在社会性别观念变化、妇女解放运动和民族解放运动高涨、民族国家建立和发展等方面都发挥了重要作用。但是由于民族主义在争取民族独立中的主导地位和女权主义的从属地位,决定了第三世界国家的妇女解放主要是由民族主义、民族国家和男性主导的,难以达到真正的男女平等和妇女解放。  相似文献   

15.
Zhou Yongming 《当代中国》2005,14(44):543-562
This article focuses on the so-called ‘military websites’ in Chinese cyberspace to examine the complexity of contemporary Chinese nationalism. By pointing out the fact that the majority of members of military websites are well educated and well informed, yet nationalistic and anti-Western, the author argues that the key factor in shaping their nationalist thinking is the formation of a new interest-driven game-playing paradigm in the past two decades which the Chinese use to interpret national policies and international relations today. Ironically, much of the new interpretative framework has been borrowed from Western concepts and ideas, including Comprehensive National Power, National Interests, and Rules of the Game. Equipped with this new paradigm to interpret the received information and look at the world, the more informed Chinese are the more nationalist they may be, as demonstrated by the responses to the plane bugging incident by Chinese net surfers.  相似文献   

16.
Call for Unity     
‘History is moving forward and the world will not go back to what it was in the past.Every choice and move we make today will shape the world of the future,’Chinese President Xi Jinping said in his special address at the World Economic Forum Virtual Event of the Davos Agenda,held on January 25.  相似文献   

17.
This article assesses the rise of China by exploring a number of recent popular Chinese political texts to go beyond explanations that take the international system as the level of analysis. It proposes that a merging of nationalism and geopolitical thinking is taking place, resulting in the emergence of a new form of nationalism that can be categorised as ‘geopolitik nationalism’ because it deploys many of the themes evident in the political thought of Germany and Japan before the two world wars. By considering the impact of such ideas, it is possible to gain new insights into recent assertive actions in Chinese foreign policy.  相似文献   

18.
甘肃在利用世行贷款中存在的问题及对策研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
世贸组织、国际货币基金组织、世界银行构成了世界经济的三大支柱。针对甘肃这样一个经济欠发达的省区来说 ,解决开发资金短缺问题至关重要。本文通过剖析甘肃在利用世行贷款中存在的问题 ,提出了世行贷款在甘肃大开发中良性运作的对策。  相似文献   

19.
Yinan He 《当代中国》2007,16(50):1-24
Anti-Japanese popular nationalism is rising high in China today. Little evidence to date proves that it is officially orchestrated. Nonetheless, Chinese popular nationalism still has deep roots in the state's history propaganda which has implanted pernicious myths in the national collective memory. Fueling mistrust and exacerbating a mutual threat perception, popular nationalism could be a catalyst for future Sino–Japanese conflict over the Taiwan problem, island disputes, and maritime resource competition. The increasingly liberalized but often biased Chinese media, the role of nationalist sub-elites, and the government's accommodation have all contributed to the strength of anti-Japanese nationalism, which cannot be mitigated by bilateral economic interdependence. To rid bilateral relations of the negative historical legacy, the two countries need the vision and determination to remove nationalistic myths and promote a shared history through mutual critique and self-reflection in transnational historians' dialogues.  相似文献   

20.
世界历史既有着沟通各民族、地区关系的功能,又有着改造、变革历史世界的价值指向。用世界历史的眼光来看待社会发展,世界历史发展不仅体现为同向性水平的社会发展,而且体现为区域性历史发展的道路选择性的社会发展。这一认识对于审视我国的改革开放和社会发展,确立科学的发展观具有积极的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

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