Disputes and conflicts inside organizations: A systems approach

Book reviewed in this article: Robert R. Blake and Jane Srygley Mouton , Solving Costly Organizational Conflicts David Ewing , Justice on the Job William L. Ury, Jeanne M. Brett , and Stephen B. Goldberg , Getting Disputes Resolved: Designing Systems to Cut the Costs of Conflict Alan F. Westin and Alfred G. Feliu , Resolving Employment Disputes Without Litigation James T. Ziegenfuss , Organizational Troubleshooters: Resolving Problems with Customers and Employees     

The Face-to-Face Mediation Program: A Massachusetts success story

Summary An effort that began as an experimental alternative to small claims court for consumer cases has fostered the application of alternative dispute resolution to many other conflicts in Massachusetts. The Attorney General's Face-to-Face Mediation Program, unique in the country, has proven to be an effective local resource to citizens of the state for resolving consumer disputes. The influence of the program has been felt outside the Attorney General's office as well as within.In the two years since this report was written, the Attorney General's Face-to-Face Mediation Program has shown a steady increase both in referrals and in quality of service. Today, all but one of the seven remaining mediation programs is running at or near capacity. In 1988, 84 percent of the approximately 700 cases that were mediated reached agreement, and 96 percent of those agreements were upheld. Suzanne Goulet Orenstein, who is Senior Associate, Program on Environmental Dispute Resolution with The Conservation Foundation, Washington, D.C., formerly was Chief, Local Consumer Groups and Dispute Resolution Activities with the Office of the Massachusetts Attorney General.Kathleen Grant is Coordinator of the Face-to-Face Mediation Program, Public Protection Bureau, The Massachusetts Attorney General's Office, 131 Tremont St., Boston, Mass. 02111.     

Creating the climate for conflict resolution in communities

Book reviewed in this article:
Roger Fisher and Scott Brown , Getting Together: Building Relationships that Get to YES
Susan L. Carpenter and W.J. D. Kennedy , Managing Public Disputes: A Practical Guide to Handling Conflict and reaching Agreements
Lawrence Susskind and Jeffrey Cruikshank , Breaking the Impasse: Consensual Approaches to Resolving Public Disputes     

Book reviews

Ephraim Maisel, The Foreign Office and Foreign Policy 1991–1926 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press 1994), £35. ISBN 1–898723–04–4.

Timothy P. Maga, The World of Jimmy Carter: U.S. Foreign Policy 1977–1981 (West Haven, CT: University of New Haven Press, 1994). 189 pp. ISBN 0–936385–23–0.

Michael Leifer, Dictionary of the Modern Politics of South‐East Asia (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), xii + 271pp. £45. ISBN 0–415–04219–4.

Christopher C. Harmon and David Tucker (eds.), Statecraft and Power: Essays in Honor of Harold W. Rood (Lanham and London: University Press of America with the National Institute for Public Policy, 1994), 284pp ISBN 0–8191–8718–6.     

A Dialogic Analysis of Audiences’ Interactions on Online Media Sites in Zimbabwe

Abstract

Zimbabwean mainstream media has been profoundly polarised by two significant camps, namely the pro-government and anti-government media. Public opinion has primarily split between the binary ideological alignments of these two camps. The heavily censored political environment in Zimbabwe since the imposition of the Public Order and Security Act 11:17 (and regulated in a multiplicity of overt and covert ways) resulted in political expressive space being constrained. Online media, however, has created alternative media spaces and contexts that are far more enabling to audiences when it comes in dialogic co-production of meaning and new or alternative value positions to those advanced by traditional media. This article explores the negotiation of meaning by online readers of the state-owned daily, The Herald. Dialogism theory is used to explore discourse and ideological interaction occurring between mass media and its audiences in the news website comments section and how online communication is in fact a reciprocal social practice that is both modelled and remodelled through processes of co-production and negotiation of meaning. The research also takes into account the naming practices that the participants employ in their online interaction.     

Coalition politics and the making of Indian foreign policy: a new research program

ABSTRACT

Do Indian regional parties influence foreign policy and under which conditions? Some foreign policy studies have shown that certain coalition-building configurations have facilitated the inclusion of the concerns of small parties in the foreign policy debate. Other works have looked at the role of decentralization and federal power-arrangement in providing more control to political sub-units over the external affairs of a state. Those separate scholarships provide interesting insights to account for the multi-level nature of coalition-building in a federal and pluralistic polity like India. Bridging these two literatures, I argue that the interdependence of regional and national coalition building processes (visible in federal settings) create locked-in alliances between national parties and regional parties which affect foreign policymaking. In these contexts, India’s national parties have to, under certain conditions, take into account the preferences of regional parties when designing foreign policies. This article looks at the hypothesized causal mechanisms and expectations through two illustrative case studies of India’s foreign policy.     

Strategic issues in structuring multi-party public policy negotiations

Conclusion The protocols suggested here provide a framework for addressing the major strategic issues encountered in structuring multi-party public policy negotiations. A careful consideration of the procedures before substantive negotiations begin is the best assurance that these issues will not emerge as dilemmas and crises during the process itself. The protocols should be created by the parties to derive the full benefits of relevance and commitment. To borrow protocols created for another negotiation may result in both unrealistic and missing provisions.Having a good dispute, where the appropriate parties effectively explore and address their most essential and difficult differences, is the critical first step in effective dispute settlement. Gerald W. Cormick is regional director of The Mediation Institute, 15629 Cascadian Way, Mill Creek, Wash. 98012 and research associate professor at the Graduate School of Public Affairs, the University of Washington.An earlier version of this column was presented by the author during a panel on environmental and natural resource dispute resolution at a research conference sponsored by the Association for Public Policy and Management, 30 October 1987, in Bethesda, Md.     

Political-economic determinants of electoral participation in India

ABSTRACT

Elections bestow popular legitimacy to the democracies and, accordingly, electoral participation is an important indicator of the quality of democracy and civic engagement. Understanding what factors drive citizens’ decision to vote is central to the theory and practice of democracy and has implications for voter mobilization efforts of political parties and government agencies. We study the individual level determinants of electoral turnout in the 2004 Lok Sabha elections exploiting a nationally representative India Human Development Survey-2005 (IHDS-2005). We find convincing yet mixed evidence in support of political-institutional factors, and some variables of the psychological, mobilization, socialization, and resource models in explaining voter turnout. Public confidence in state government, newspapers, and judiciary, television watching, participation in civic body meetings, local conflict, caste conflict in neighborhood, local political connections, and caste association membership significantly increase the predicted probability of turnout. Factors like time family lived in the place, age, holding of below-poverty-line (BPL) cards, and receipt of public benefits increase voter turnout; whereas, business association membership, being female, metro-city resident, business being the main income source, urban residence, and the age quadratic reduce voter turnout. Separate analyses of the rural and urban, male and female contexts largely obtain the same line of results.     

Revolutionary challenges to the anarchical society of states

David Armstrong, Revolution and World Order: The Revolutionary State in International Society (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1993), ix + 328 pp. Index. £37.50.     

Performing Canadian State Nationalism through Federal Symmetry

Abstract

In the growing literature on the management of differences in multinational states, institutions (such as territorial autonomy or power-sharing) are typically understood as means through which various stakeholders achieve their goals. This scholarship is largely silent on the expressive and symbolic dimensions of those institutions. This is a major oversight, limiting our understanding of the politics of multinational states. I demonstrate the importance of institutional meaning by exploring the politics of federal a/symmetry in Canada, particularly in response to Quebec’s demands for greater recognition. The article’s central argument is that formal federal symmetry expresses and symbolically reproduces Canadian state nationalism. Attention to the symbolic dimension of state institutions—including federal ones—has the potential to open up new avenues of understanding of both the politics of institutional change in multinational states and the impact such change might have on the stability and inclusiveness of those states.     

A situational theory of pork-barrel politics: The shifting logic of discretionary allocations in India

ABSTRACT

Despite the extensive literature on distributive politics, there is still is a lack of a theory of how political and fiscal institutions interact to shape the pork barreling ability of national leaders in a federal parliamentary democracy. This article examines how the party system types (dominant party versus coalition system) and particular attributes of discretionary grants (providing credit claiming opportunity or facilitating side payments) influence opportunities for pork-barrel politics. This article proposes a situational theory of distributive politics that states that incentives for exclusive targeting of affiliated states in one-party dominant systems drive national ruling parties toward particularism while the shrinking opportunity to indulge in such a policy in multiparty coalition systems creates a universalization effect. The disaggregated analysis of discretionary grants using Indian data for 14 states for the one-party dominant period (1972–89) and the coalition era (1996–2012) confirms the theoretical expectations. Additionally, the exercise brings to the fore the fact that the shift from particularism to universalism occurs for schematic grants that provide credit claiming opportunity. The ad hoc grants that are like side payments remain subject to particularism.     

Offsets and Defense Procurement in the Czech Republic: A Case Study

Abstract

This study examines the issues the Czech Republic faces in implementing defense offsets. The paper will briefly outline the history of the Czech Republic's participation in offsets and its current policy towards offset practices. The Czech Republic is a NATO, as well as EU, member and therefore is obliged to follow policies implemented by these institutions. The offsets for the Gripen Program will be used to illustrate the implementation of defense procurement offsets by Czech Republic MoD under its Industrial Participation Program.     

The Israeli defense forces and unconventional warfare: The Palestinian factor and Israeli national security doctrine

The basic premises of the Israeli national security doctrine were laid down by the first Prime Minister, David Ben‐Gurion, who emphasized the decisive role of the neighboring sovereign states as the crucial enemy. This view continues to guide the architects of Israeli strategic thought despite the growing importance of a non‐state actor, that is, the Palestinian national liberation movement.     

Location,Location, Location…Identifying Hot spots of International Conflict

Abstract

This article introduces new variables summarizing the geographic location of Militarized Interstate Disputes (MIDs) and “hot spots” of these locations for the years 1816 to 2001. Three exercises are detailed: (1) the specification and collection of geographic location data for each MID onset; (2) the generation of static map representations of these data; and (3) the application of spatial cluster analysis techniques to examine their geographic distribution. Initially, I address the protocol followed while carrying out the first two of these steps - offering thoughts on the coding procedures and examples of the mapped representations of the data. I then detail the techniques used to conduct spatial cluster analysis. The results of these analyses confirm the apparent evidence of the mapped presentations of the data, offering evidence in support of the a priori expectation that dispute onsets are clustered in space and time; revealing apparent “hot spots” of conflict across most regions of the world. I conclude with a discussion of potential applications of this new MID location dataset.     

Mediating public disputes: A response to the skeptics

Conclusions There are more than 75 well-documented cases of successful dispute resolution in the public sector (and a great many more that are less well-documented). The evidence attesting to the merits of non-adjudicatory approaches to dispute resolution is mounting rapidly.While there are some public disputes that do not lend themselves to informal resolution (i.e., disputes involving fundamental freedoms or rights), many involving conflicting interests and values have proven resolvable in a win-win fashion. The most important preconditions for success have been the presence of a credible nonpartisan facilitator or mediator, parties in an undeniably interdependent situation and pressure created by a decision maker who has promised to act (using traditional decision-making methods) in the absence of a consensus. In short, given these preconditions, there are a number of good reasons to forge ahead with efforts to employ mediation and other forms of dispute resolution on a more regular basis. Lawrence Susskind is Professor of Urban Studies and Planning at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Executive Director of the Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Mass. 02138. Co-author ofResolving Environmental Regulatory Disputes (Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman, 1984), he has served as a mediator of public disputes at the local, state and federal levels.     

Derogating from International Human Rights Obligations in the ‘War Against Terrorism'? — A British–Australian Perspective

ABSTRACT

This article examines the United Kingdom's Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001 and the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Legislation Amendment (Terrorism) Act 2002 (Cth) from an international human rights law perspective. It argues that both pieces of legislation raise serious concerns in relation to international legal obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Both international treaties allow for ‘derogation’ from certain provisions in times of ‘public emergency’. While the United Kingdom has officially derogated from some of its treaty obligations, Australia has yet to submit a similar notification. This article argues, however, that the United Kingdom's derogation is unlawful. Likewise, current circumstances in Australia would not permit lawful derogation from the ICCPR.     

The new Independent Communications Authority of South Africa: its challenges and implications for telecommunications liberalisation in the country

ABSTRACT

Communication and information, thus telecommunications, are vital tools in today's economy. These tools are also the backbone of tomorrow's economy hence they need to be regulated properly by an independent regulator. This is true and necessary not only in South Africa, but globally as well. Liberalisation of the telecommunications industry is a policy direction of most countries worldwide. However, the process of changing from a highly regulated, or unregulated, to a liberalised one is not proving to be easy. This paper examines how the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) will impact on the regulation of South Africa's telecommunications industries in the era of liberalisation and convergence.

The Independent Communications Authority of South Africa Act No 13 of 2000, merges the Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) and the South African Telecommunications Regulatory Authority (SATRA), and is intended to regulate the multibillion-rand communications industry. The Proclamation by the South African President Thabo Mbeki of the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa Act came into effect on May 11, 2000. A brief history of telecommunications liberalisation in South Africa is explored, and the paper also evaluates how ICASA should regulate for the promotion of growth and competition in the industry. The paper concludes that many challenges face ICASA, most importantly the fact that councillors of this new authority need to provide a balanced and stable communications regulatory environment for the South African broadcasting and telecommunications industries, in the wake of the recent problems that beset both the IBA and SATRA.     

Serbia and Montenegro: The struggle to redefine Yugoslavia

The Bases of New Relations Between Montenegro and Serbia proposed by the ruling coalition of Milo Djukanovic is a dramatic change from the federal structure laid out in the 1992 Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Constitution. The Bases of New Relations is Montenegro's attempt to shut out Milosevic, distance Montenegro from Serbia while avoiding civil strife, and lead the republic toward European integration. Largely viewed as a dead letter, the Bases of New Relations still stands as a concrete example of Podgorica's goals.     

Media,Muslims, and the Middle East: A Critical Review Essay

Abstract

Humanitarian Inter vention in Somalia, 1992–1994: Elite N ewspaper Coverage, Public Opinion, and U.S. Foreign Policy

A Dissertation Completed at the College of Journalism, University of Maryland at College Park, 1995, Brian P. Hoey, Air War College, Maxwell Air Force Base, Montgomery, Alabama

Framing the Health Care Reform Campaign of 1993-94: News Frame, Interpretation, and Public Opinion Change

A Dissertation Completed at The Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania, 1997, June Woong Rhee, Research Fellow, Korean Broadcasting System

Accuracy and Distortion in Judgment and Recall of Political Discourse

A Dissertation Completed at the Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania, 1996, Darin W. Klein, Georgia State University

Deliberative Democracy and the Public Sphere: On the Interactions of News Media, Interpersonal Communication, Opinion Formation, and Participation

A Dissertation Completed at the Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania, 1997, Joohoan Kim, Boston College     

Grievance mediation

Conclusion In sum, grievance mediation is a highly successful alternative to labor arbitration. It shares with expedited arbitration the capacity to reduce the time and cost of arbitration, and is more likely to produce mutually acceptable outcomes than is a conference procedure in which the neutral retains decisional authority. It is also more likely than either of those procedures to improve the parties' dispute resolution ability and ultimately their entire relationship.To be sure, not all grievances can be successfully resolved through mediation. Still, its advantages are so great, and its costs so low that an effort to resolve grievances at mediation should be a required step preceding arbitration in all collective bargaining contracts. Stephen B. Goldberg is Professor of Law at Northwestern University Law School, Chicago, Ill., 60611. He is a member of the National Academy of Arbitrators and president of Mediation Research and Education Project, Inc.This article draws in substantial part on material contained in the author's recent book (with William L. Ury and Jeanne M. Brett),Getting Disputes Resolved: Designing Systems to Cut the Costs of Conflict (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1988).