关于侦查的几个主要法律问题的思考

<正> 侦查的法律问题,其基本内容体现在宪法和法律上关于侦查的制度和规范中。通过讨论,求得对侦查的法律问题的正确认识和掌握,无论对于侦查的理论研究,还是对于侦查实践,都是极为重要的和非常紧迫的。侦查的法律问题很多,现仅将其中的几个主要问题论述如下: 一、关于侦查主体的资格与权限问题 侦查主体的资格与权限是否符合法律规定,是侦查合法与否的根本标志。我国法律规定,侦查是专门机关的专有职权,侦查权属于公安机关、国家安全机关和人民检察院。只有公安机关、国家安全机关和人民检察院才有权依法对犯罪案件进行侦查。任何其他机关、团体或者公民个人都无权实施侦查(刑诉法第3条、第4条)。侦查权由国家通过法律授予特定的国家机关     

侦查程序改革要论

撇开制度差异。“侦查”系指法律授权（或许可）的国家机关或个人，对于涉嫌犯罪的行为所进行的调查活动。本文对现行侦查制度提出以下改革设想：第一，侦查权的配置。检察机关行使国家公诉权，统一负责刑事案件的侦查和起诉，公安机关、国家安全机关分别负责对所管辖的刑事案件实行侦查：公安机关和国家安全机关在侦查活动中采取强制侦查行为．须经人民检察院同意：     

技术侦查的法律规制

面对日益严峻的犯罪形势和国家安全状况,技术侦查被认为是目前打击犯罪、维护国家安全的最有效措施之一,也是侦查实践中广泛采用的新型手段.然而,技术侦查的法律规范却与侦查实践需要极不相称,有许多问题都有待于法律规制.在法治化的界域内,具有侵犯性特征的技术侦查不仅应当体现程序正当性,还要实现技术侦查措施有效性与合法性的平衡.     

论绑架案件侦查与人权保障

当前,刑事案件侦查中是否尊重人权成为社会关注的热点问题,绑架案件侦查中涉及到多方人员基本人权保障问题,引人注目,尤其公开绑架人质案件的接连发生,使人们对绑架案件的人权问题极为关注。人权观念在绑架案件侦查中的确立与发展包括三方面内容:一是“人质安全第一”观念的提出和实践;二是从一元安全观到多元安全平衡价值观的思辩;三是可持续性侦查策略与措施的凸现。     

破坏网络信息系统犯罪案件侦查策略

破坏网络系统犯罪是网络犯罪中危害极大的犯罪之一,为了保障网络系统的安全,维护互联网的运行安全,必须及时侦破破坏网络系统犯罪。只有针对破坏网络系统犯罪的特殊特性,分析其犯罪的一般过程,通过应急响应与调查取证相结合,外围侦控与内部侦查相结合,案前跟踪与案后侦查相结合,科学系统地制定侦查方针和策略。     

检察长应有侦查实验批准权

检察长应有侦查实验批准权三王在刑事案件的侦查中，有时需要通过侦查实验来查明案情。刑诉法第七十八条对此作了专门规定，并要求“经公安局长批准”。根据法律规定，不但公安机关。国家安全机关可以进行侦查实验，检察机关也可以对公安机关、国家安全机关移送审查的案件...     

浅析非法证据的几个问题

秘密侦查手段获得的证据的可采性问题，是一个与非法证据排除规划有关的问题。我国刑诉法对秘密侦查手段没有进行规定，更谈不上对秘密手段获得的证据的可采性的规定了。但在司法实践中，公安机关，国家安全机关和检察机关的侦查部门在侦查过程中，都不同程度地使用秘密侦查手段收集犯罪证据，以更迅速，更准确地侦破案件。在侦查中使用秘密侦查手段是世界各国普遍使用的侦查策略之一，但很多国家都是在刑事诉讼法中明确规定秘密侦查手段的种类、     

诱惑侦查价值分析

诱惑侦查的价值构成包括工具价值和内在价值。工具价值表现在诱惑侦查对揭露和证实犯罪方面的作用 ,以及对防卫被害人、犯罪人和社会免受不当损害的积极作用。前者为诱惑侦查的诉讼价值 ,后者为其防卫价值。诱惑侦查的诉讼价值与防卫价值之间具有对立统一的关系。诱惑侦查的内在价值存在于方法的不当性 (方法公正性价值 )和程序的公正性之中。方法不当性与诉讼价值的价值权衡实际是自由与安全、个人利益与社会利益的比较。程序的公正性是平衡诱惑侦查的方法不当性与诉讼价值之间的程序性原则。     

论基于大数据的犯罪侦查

大数据并非一个确切的概念,利用大数据进行犯罪侦查是依托各种信息数据系统的海量数据,通过数据挖掘、分析与比对,展开犯罪侦查;利用大数据进行犯罪侦查需要硬件与软件的支撑,也就是说,需要公安机关自有数据信息系统和社会面数据信息系统的支撑;大数据在犯罪侦查中的应用,开阔了侦查人员的思维方式,变革了传统的侦查模式,更新了传统的侦查方法.但是,大数据在犯罪侦查中的应用也带来了一系列法律问题,如公民隐私权保护问题,国家安全问题等.这些问题都需要国家通过立法加以规范和解决.     

绑架案件侦查中的制信息权

将精确打击中的制信息权用于绑架勒索案件的侦查,是保障人质安全,及时抓捕绑匪的有效手段。探索夺取绑架案件侦查中的制信息权,以情报信息引导精确锁定犯罪嫌疑人,安全解救人质的战术战法对于绑架案件的及时侦破具有重要的现实意义。     

Patterns of precursor behaviors in the life span of a U.S. environmental terrorist group

Research Summary
This article discusses the paucity of data available for assessing the "life span" of a terrorist group. It introduces a new methodology that allows researchers to examine when terrorist groups perform their preincident activities. The findings suggest that differences exist in the temporal patterns of terrorist groups: environmental terrorist groups engage in a relatively short planning cycle compared with right-wing and international terrorists. The article concludes by examining a case study on "the Family," which is a unique environmental terrorist group that conducted activities over a relatively long period of time. This group provides an interesting contrast to other environmental terrorists. Despite significant organizational differences, their patterns of preparatory conduct were highly similar.
Policy Implications
The findings suggest that (1) temporal and spatial data about preincident terrorist activity can be collected from unclassified and open sources and (2) law-enforcement agencies that are investigating environmental groups have relatively little time to observe and infiltrate their individual cells (compared with right-wing and international terrorists). Finally, the data suggest that environmental terrorists—at least so far—have engaged in attacks that are less deadly than the comparison groups.     

Bombing Alone: Tracing the Motivations and Antecedent Behaviors of Lone‐Actor Terrorists,,

This article analyzes the sociodemographic network characteristics and antecedent behaviors of 119 lone‐actor terrorists. This marks a departure from existing analyses by largely focusing upon behavioral aspects of each offender. This article also examines whether lone‐actor terrorists differ based on their ideologies or network connectivity. The analysis leads to seven conclusions. There was no uniform profile identified. In the time leading up to most lone‐actor terrorist events, other people generally knew about the offender's grievance, extremist ideology, views, and/or intent to engage in violence. A wide range of activities and experiences preceded lone actors' plots or events. Many but not all lone‐actor terrorists were socially isolated. Lone‐actor terrorists regularly engaged in a detectable and observable range of activities with a wider pressure group, social movement, or terrorist organization. Lone‐actor terrorist events were rarely sudden and impulsive. There were distinguishable behavioral differences between subgroups. The implications for policy conclude this article.     

民国时期恐怖活动研究

恐怖活动在中国延续了两千多年后,到民国时期已经比以往任何朝代都有过之而无不及。尽管当时的所有政权都制定反恐法规,采取反恐措施,希望将其消灭或纳入管控范围,但由于各政权自身条件的限制及实施恐怖活动的组织、个人所具有的强势特点,要达到目的并非易事。     

Money Laundering and Terrorism Financing Risks of Prepaid Cards Instruments?

Advances in information and communication technologies (ICT) have had, and will continue to have, wide-ranging influences on how the banking and finance industry operates. Making payments and transmitting money electronically or online are increasingly popular. An increased dependence on global electronic payment systems and the ability to move large amounts of money expeditiously across different jurisdiction, however, expose both payment processing companies and consumers to an evolving spectrum of threats such as fraud and money laundering. This article considers ways in which prepaid cards can be exploited by organised criminals and terrorists to launder their illicit proceeds of crime, and to transfer money anonymously and instantaneously over the globe for use by terrorist organisations. Risks identified in this article include recruiting card mules (e.g. international students) to purchase prepaid cards, and the mailing or shipping of prepaid cards out of the country without regulators being aware. To minimise risks of abuse by organised criminals and terrorists, legislation will need to adapt to deal with threats that organised criminals and terrorists seek to exploit. Future directions for research in relation to prepaid cards are also identified.

THE PROSECUTION AND PUNISHMENT OF INTERNATIONAL TERRORISTS IN FEDERAL COURTS: 1980–1998*

Research Summary: This study reports findings from the American Terrorism Study. The data show that from 1980 to 1998, the U.S. government periodically tried accused domestic and international terrorists through the use of traditional criminal trials. The extent to which federal prosecutors “explicit politicized” these trials (and the success that the politicization had) varied among the types of terrorist groups. Explicit politically was not found to be successful in trials of domestic terrorists but seemed to work for trials involving international terrorists. Over the 20‐year period, however, federal prosecutors began to rely more heavily (and more successfully) on the politicization of the criminal acts by international terrorists. The results also show that international terrorists, like their domestic counterparts, are much less likely to plead guilty. Finally, the study shows that these traditional trials have resulted in international terrorists being punished more severely than domestic terrorists. Unfortunately, the practice of performing these politicized trials within the venue of the federal court system may have been compromised by defense strategies that capitalized on the due process procedures so prominent in the U.S. system of justice. In the wake of the terrorism attacks in September 2001 by foreign nationals, the federal government began to take the next step in its “war against terrorism” by instituting the use of military tribunals. Policy Implications: Although the federal government has been relatively successful in the prosecution of terrorism in America in the past two decades, the movement toward the use of military tribunals has perhaps become inevitable (as the use of the traditional criminal trial for international terrorists manifests weaknesses). In the short term, it is likely that several international terrorism cases stemming from the September 2001 attacks and other subsequent attacks (which may be presumed) will be tried in federal courthouses across the country (even with the advent of military tribunals). Federal prosecutors will need to be trained on the specifics of trying these kinds of cases. In the long term, the use of military tribunals will provide greater ease of prosecution for the federal government. Long‐term consequences such as retaliatory attacks and attacks aimed at the release of political prisoners cannot be ignored by policy makers.     

Pursuing justice,respecting the law

Conclusion In the 1980s, despite the rise of terrorist attacks worldwide, the international community failed to respond cooperatively. When U.S. citizens were the focus of attacks, even friendly countries had little incentive to risk the safety of their citizens or the tenets of their foreign policy to prosecute terrorists. In response, the United States passed statutes providing for extraterritorial jurisdiction over acts committed abroad against U.S. citizens and then engaged in a series of dramatic seizures to enforce these measures. Unfortunately, these abductions were generally not defensible under international law and, in any event, could not be used when a terrorist was located within the territory of a major friendly country. In large part unexpectedly, however, the statutes have rendered such extraordinary measures unnecessary while still remedying what was a visible failure of international criminal cooperation.Even without threatening international abductions, the United States can use the Hostage Taking Act and the Terrorist Prosecution Act to demand extradition and to undertake independent investigations of violations of federal laws. These efforts put pressure on governments that have custody over terrorists. The international and the diplomatic consequences of neither extraditing nor prosecuting have proven sufficient to encourage U.S. allies to prosecute terrorists themselves. Surprisingly, therefore, the statutes have turned out to be effective because they encourage prosecutions of terrorists abroad, thereby remedying a failure in international cooperation and helping to ensure a consistent, strong, international response to acts of terrorism despite the continued inability of the United States to obtain custody of those attacking its citizens.This is a revised version of a paper presented at an international workshop on Principles and Procedures for a New Transnational Criminal Law, organized jointly by the Society for the Reform of Criminal Law and the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law, Freiburg, Germany, May 21–25, 1991.Class of 1993, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A.     

运用刑法武器打击恐怖主义犯罪

武警部队处置恐怖事件,必须注重运用法律武器,彰显法律的力量。由于恐怖主义活动是一种严重的刑事犯罪,所以在对恐怖分子进行法律战时,刑法是一部必用的法律。在反恐法律战中,如果能够运用好刑法,完全可以为我方赢得战机,以期达到"不战而屈人之兵"的目的。     

The Moral Justification for the Preventive Detention of Terrorists

The moral, as opposed to legal, justification for the preventive detention of terrorists is the topic of this article, and, in particular, for the preventive detention of members of extremist Islamist terrorist organizations, such as Islamic State (IS) and Al Qaeda (AQ). The article argues that preventive detention of terrorists is morally justified under certain circumstances. Its argument for preventive detention of terrorists is analogous to that used to detain enemy combatants as prisoners of war. However, rather than relying on the possession of the properties definitive of the legal status of a combatant, it relies on demonstrable possession of constitutive features of functionally integrated membership of a terrorist organization. Membership in this sense of a terrorist organization creates the presumption of a standing intention to commit murder, or at least to assist others to do so, in the service of the organization’s political ends.     

The Local Role in Homeland Security

There has been considerable discussion since September 11 of the enormous resource that local police potentially represent in the fight against terrorism. This article identifies limits to the local role in homeland security by analyzing a case study of Dearborn, Michigan. Partly because Dearborn is home to one of the largest concentrations of Arabs in the United States, its experience with homeland security highlights two kinds of burdens that cities incur when they engage in proactive surveillance to identify potential terrorists: damage to their reputation (since police surveillance implies that its objects are not trustworthy) and damage to police legitimacy (since new surveillance may undermine trust between police and the community). Because the benefits of efforts to identify terrorists typically accrue to jurisdictions other than the one that engages in it—unlike street crime, terrorism is a national or even international problem—local governments have little reason to pursue it. Instead, cities such as Dearborn have reason to emphasize what I call the "community protection" aspects of homeland security, such as target hardening and emergency response. This finding has more general implications for our understanding of the police role and the politics of policing, showing how both are shaped by the structural location police occupy in federalist systems of government.     

Networks, terrorists and criminals: the implications for community policing

This paper addresses both the connections between criminals and terrorists and the potential overlap and meshing of their networks and considers the implications of these intersections for counterterrorism policies and actions. It concludes with a focus on the community and community policing’s role in the disengagement of terrorists from terrorist organizations. While addressing the intersections between terrorists and criminals and the actions they commit, it explores important distinctions between terrorism and criminality, and the implications these distinctions imply for confronting terrorism and criminality within communities and their effect on successful counter terrorism policies and actions.