Statement on peace and reunification of the Korean Peninsula

Abstract

We who have been praying and working for peace and the reunification of Korea would like to express our deep concerns about the rising tensions surrounding the north Korean nuclear controversy and the potentially imminent war on the Korean peninsula. We still remember vividly the nightmare of the Korean War beginning 25 June 1950, and we have endured tremendously painful experiences for the last half century because of the division of our country. We would like to express our positions to the governments of the Republic of Korea (ROK), the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), the United States, and to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), as we firmly believe that the shortest route to reunification is through the reconciliation and solidarity of the Korean people:     

Russian Energy and the Korean Peninsula

The recent agreements concerning North Korea’s nuclear program raise possibilities for providing North Korea with energy (oil and gas) to compensate for the termination of its nuclear program and of integrating it more broadly into the Northeast Asian economy. Russia has long wanted to play the role of provider of oil and gas to North Korea and these agreements open up new opportunities for it to do so. However, serious obstacles in the nature of North Korea’s precarious economic situation and its consequences, international rivalries in Northeast Asia, and Russia’s own energy policies present serious obstacles to the realization of Russia’s ambitions as regards North Korea and as energy provider to Northeast Asia as a whole.     

Cyberwarfare in the Korean Peninsula: Asymmetries and Strategic Responses

In this paper, we argue that the two Koreas’ intentions and actions on the cyber front point toward the possibility that they have engaged in cyber warfare against each other. From South Korea’s standpoint, a key concern has been North Korea’s advanced cyber warfare capabilities and alleged involvement of its substantial workforce in the Internet’s dark side activities. These issues need to be looked at the backdrop of the North’s nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities. This paper draws principally upon theories and concepts from military strategy and warfare to examine the contexts, mechanisms, and processes associated with the cyber warfare in the Korean peninsula. We also compare the two Koreas in terms of various forms of asymmetries in cyber warfare and cyber attacks. Also highlighted in the paper are South Korea’s recent initiatives and actions to enhance cyber-offense and cyber-defense capabilities.     

Hedley Bull and International Society: Contemporary Reflections on the Korean Peninsula

The year 2010 witnessed an escalation of tensions on the Korean peninsula through two military crises. The rise in tensions can be explained by neorealism as a shifting distribution of power in the region and a small state preserving its national security. The paper argues that neorealism is not sufficient to explain the patterns and routines of crisis escalation and crisis resumption on the Korean peninsula and the North East Asian region. By focusing on the causes of conflicts neorealism fails to identify the consequences of these inter-state tensions for the evolution of an anarchical society of states in the North East Asian region. The paper provides an alternative interpretation of recent inter-Korean crisis escalation and crisis resolution in the East Asian region through the work of Hedley Bull.     

东亚视域下的大谷光瑞与朝鲜半岛

大谷光瑞是日本近代佛教家、探险家,以组织亚洲内陆探险为世人所熟知.大谷光瑞的朝鲜半岛之行及其与朝鲜半岛的关系,可以分为几个方面.其一,分别在甲午战争和日俄战争时期派出从军布教使协力战争,呼应了日本政府的对朝扩张.其二,从1914年放浪之旅开始,数次前往朝鲜半岛,并在30年代提出亚洲殖民规划.其三,价值重大的大谷文物在东亚地区的流转,给中国文化财产造成了无可弥补的损失,在某种程度上也间接为新时代东亚共同研究提供了基础.     

Impressions of my Visit to South Africa

Dame Rebecca West gave the address that follows at a joint meetingof the Royal African Society and the Royal Commonwealth Societyon July 7, 1960.     

The establishment of South Korean-Chinese diplomatic relations: A South Korean perspective

This article examines the process leading to establishment of the diplomatic relationship between South Korea and China in 1992. For that purpose, the article reviews first the Northern Policy of the Sixth Republic of Korea, whose major aim was to improve South Korea’s relations with the then socialist and communist countries, including the Soviet Union. Next the focus moves to the secret negotiations between South Korea and China. One of the major arguments of the article is that the expansion of commercial and trade relations between South Korea and China plus the end of the cold war contributed to the establishment of diplomatic relationships between the two neighbors.     

试析宗教对韩国总统选举的影响

韩国宪法虽然确立了"政教分离"的原则,但现实中宗教因素渗透到了政治中,并对总统选举造成了明显的影响。总统候选人的宗教信仰、选民的宗教信仰以及宗教团体在选举过程中的宣传游说,都影响到总统选举的最终投票结果。目前,宗教因素在韩国总统选举中已经由一个"独立变量",发展为一个"非独立变量",但其影响将长期存在。     

The influence of the South African transition on the Northern Ireland peace process

The Provisional Irish Republican Army's announcement of a ceasefire at the end of August 1994 prompted widespread comment around the world. A notable feature of the commentaries was the frequency with which reference was made to the transition in South Africa and the peace process in the Middle East. The South African analogy derived additional credibility from the fact that nationalist leaders in Ireland themselves made constant reference to it, both at the time of the ceasefire and in the months leading up to it. Comparison with South Africa became a major theme of Sinn Fein's rhetoric during the 1980s, when comparison with the African National Congress (ANC) was used to legitimise the IRA's ‘armed struggle’. It is argued that the analogy itself became an influence on developments in Northern Ireland in the mid‐1990s, when South Africa underwent fundamental change, putting pressure on Sinn Fein leaders either to drop the comparison or to justify it through establishing an Irish peace process.     

Strategic Japan-South Korea Cooperation: Prime Minister Nakasone Yasuhiro and Korean Peninsula Diplomacy

The Nakasone administration placed a high priority on relations with South Korea in diplomatic efforts for stability and peace in Northeast Asia. He was the first Japanese Prime Minister to make an official visit, displaying a powerful leadership style in regard to Japan-South Korea relations that led to success in establishing a relationship of strategic cooperation between the two countries.     

中美关系的变化和朝鲜半岛的和平

中美关系将会全面寻求合作与竞争,但是基于中国的崛起和＂美国霸权＂的衰落,＂合作中冲突＂的局面可能会逐渐形成。通过加强联合与强调多边合作,中美两国在东北亚地区采取的下注战略都向着防止任何一方统治该区域的情况发生转型。除了中美关系的冲突或合作趋势之外,朝鲜半岛也存在卷入＂他者化＂或＂国际化＂的可能性。本文建议无论是韩美联盟还是中韩合作都应遵循独立适用原则,且我们应当探索战略性的普遍原则。     

The Asian situation and Japan’s response: With an emphasis on the Korean Peninsula

Mr. Kuranari is a former minister of foreign affairs of Japan. This paper was originally presented at a conference on “Problems of Peace, Security, and Economic Cooperation in the Asian and Pacific Region,” cosponsored by the Institute for Sino-Soviet Studies of George Washington University and Yomiuri Shimbun of Tokyo, Japan, May 19–21, 1988, in Washington, D.C.     

俄罗斯朝鲜半岛外交的实践、特点与前景分析

俄罗斯在2010年朝鲜半岛两次危机中的外交实践表明,它希望在朝鲜半岛问题上扮演不偏不倚的调解人角色,以获取更大的发言权,达到维护并提高其在东北亚地区的国际地位,为远东地区安全和经济开发创造条件的目标.俄罗斯朝鲜半岛外交的特点在于:以维护南北平衡关系为主要原则;与中国、美国对朝鲜半岛的影响力相比,俄罗斯的作用较小;六方会谈的中断不利于俄罗斯的朝鲜半岛外交;随着战略重心东移,俄罗斯将加强对朝鲜半岛的外交.由于朝鲜半岛地理位置较远,对俄罗斯的战略价值也不是很突出,加上其他国家的限制以及俄罗斯对朝韩两国的影响力有限,俄罗斯在朝鲜半岛问题上很难改变目前边缘化参与者的地位.     

美国战略调整背景下朝鲜半岛地缘战略困境的演变与突破

作为美国全球战略的重要一环,美国亚太再平衡战略引发东北亚地缘战略形势的陡然紧张,也使朝鲜半岛局势在一波三折中日趋扑朔迷离。围绕朝鲜第三次核试验出现的中美日俄韩朝的双边和多边博弈不断升温,朝鲜半岛无核化的传统安全与非传统安全风险相互交织。要突破朝鲜半岛地缘紧张加剧和战略困境加深的窘况,必须坚持多边框架解决原则、努力落实安全承诺和不断深化经贸合作。     

The transition in the political economy of South Korean development

This article analyzes the current transition in the political economy of South Korea in the context of political democratization and economic development. Because South Korea can be regarded as a case in which successful economic growth preceded political democratization, the article reviews the advantage and the disadvantage of late industrialization and its limitations. It discusses rising conflicts of interest among economic agents, labor disputes, and the erosion of international competitiveness. The article also reviews the sociopolitical reform program advanced by the new administration and its ramifications for the economic prospects. The article concludes that the Korean economy will continue to grow but not as fast as it had grown in the past and that the new political environment will play a critical role in determining the characteristics of capitalism in South Korea. The success of future economic development will depend on the stability of the political system and the national capacity to resolve conflict of interests.     

金大中阳光政策的两难处境与当前的朝鲜半岛形势

由于9.11事件的发生,美国的军事外交战略发生了的重大变化,而布什在今年1月29日发表的国情咨文中又公开点名朝鲜,伊拉克,伊朗为邪恶轴心,从此朝鲜半岛的形势开始震荡起来.韩国政府和美国布什政府在朝鲜半岛问题上产生了裂痕.本文分析了金大中阳光政策遇到的困难和朝鲜半岛形势的症结所在以及可预见的前景.     

试论韩国朴槿惠政府的外交政策趋向与朝鲜半岛局势

韩国朴槿惠政府将在李明博政府实用主义外交的基础上,进一步调整韩国的外交政策,以韩关战略同盟关系为核心、进一步加强和充实中韩战略合作伙伴关系的内涵,并在推动朝鲜半岛和平进程方面,努力构建朝鲜半岛的南北信任程序,以改善朝鲜半岛南北关系。为解决朝鲜核问题等,朴槿惠政府还将强化韩美中三国在朝鲜半岛的战略合作,以进一步发挥韩国在中关两国和东北亚外交安保领域中的战略协调作用。朴槿惠政府时代,朝鲜半岛局势的发展,将取决于三大变量的博弈,即关朝关系、朝鲜半岛南北关系和中朝关系的变化。随着中关韩朝等半岛周边国家外交安保政策的调整,朝鲜半岛最终将走上和解与和平、合作的战略轨道。     

韩国政治中的选举活动与党内竞选

韩国于1948年5月10日举行选举,产生了制宪国会,制定了大韩民国宪法并成立了政府,这在韩国历史上具有特殊意义。但与西方建立的普通、平等、直接保密选举的民主式选举制度不同,由于韩国民众缺乏对选举制度的深刻认识,而且权利意识淡薄,因此历届选举均由于执政者的不正当介入,民意被极大歪曲。本文通过对现行选举制度的深层剖析来探讨韩国选举制度存在的问题以及今后面临的课题。