共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 11 毫秒
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Daniel P. McGrory 《Liverpool Law Review》1989,11(2):117-136
The author would like to recognise Prof. Laksham Guruswamy, Faculty of Law, University of Durham, currently Visiting Professor of Law, University of Iowa, for the suggestions he contributed to this article. 相似文献
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W Eckert 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》1992,13(2):124-131
Forensic medicine in the United Kingdom includes both forensic pathology and clinical forensic medicine on the living. It began at the end of the 18th century, long after its development in Germany, Italy, France, and other countries in Europe. Initial beginnings were in Scotland, where a program began at the University of Edinburgh with the establishment of a chair in Forensic Medicine by Prof. Andrew Duncan Sr. The development in England began in London's Kings College Medical School with a chair held by Prof. William A. Guy. Later chairs in Forensic Medicine were established in Glasgow, Aberdeen, and in London, where Forensic Medicine was taught at St. Mary's Hospital Medical School, Guy's Hospital Medical School, London Hospital Medical School, Charing Cross Hospital Medical School, St. Thomas Hospital Medical School, and St. George's Hospital Medical School. In other cities in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland, departments were founded in Leeds, Manchester, Cardiff, and Belfast. Many textbooks were prepared during this time by professors from these medical schools and by others working in nonacademic areas. The development of coroner activities and those of the police surgeons is also part of the study of forensic medicine. 相似文献
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Rob Mawby 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2017,41(4):259-272
ABSTRACTThe UK Private Security Industry Act 2001 provided the legal mechanism for the statutory regulation of parts of the private security sector with the explicit aim of reducing criminality in the industry and raising standards. It created the Security Industry Authority as the regulator which commenced operation in 2003. Since then, it has received mixed reviews, and proposals have been forwarded to change its status and the way it works. This paper provides insights from two groups most affected by regulation: security specialists who buy security, and managers and directors of security companies who are subject to regulation and work with its strengths and weaknesses. The paper reports on their views of both the existing regime and some proposed changes. It suggests that the regulator and the industry share similar views albeit there has been a lack of emphasis on what it takes to enhance the ability of the industry to support the public generally rather than just those who pay. 相似文献
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Teklehaimanot K 《Canadian HIV/AIDS policy & law review / Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network》2003,8(1):74-75
In November 2002, the High Court of Justice rejected an application for judicial review of a decision to remove an Ivoirian asylum seeker to France, despite her HIV status, tuberculosis, psychiatric condition, and attempted suicides. The Court argued that removal to France would not necessarily result in a return to Ivory Coast or in poorer health care. 相似文献
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Eric C. Ip 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2014,37(2):221-247
The Human Rights Act 1998 unprecedentedly enabled the senior courts in the United Kingdom to review parliamentary enactments for compatibility with the European Convention on Human Rights. This article seeks to analyze within the framework of public choice economics two phenomena arising from this development that are counterintuitive: What made Parliament voluntarily invite the judiciary to monitor its acts? Why has Parliament consistently complied with rulings of the Judicial House of Lords that challenged primary legislation over the last 10 years? It argues that the Act was designed in a way that fulfilled the electoral commitments of the enacting majority by supplying promised policies to its constituencies, while minimizing agency costs and information problems in favor of Parliament’s corporate interests. Significantly, the Act left intact the veto powers of Parliament and the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. As such, it disincentivized the Judicial House of Lords to risk costly overturns of its rulings by Parliament for straying too far from the range of the ideal policy positions spanned by Parliament and Strasbourg. Drawing from the empirical evidence of the past decade, it will be shown that in nearly all cases the Law Lords have either upheld the compatibility of challenged statutes, reaffirmed parliamentary preferences, or followed the jurisprudence of the Strasbourg Court. 相似文献
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Philip Norton 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(3):1-14
This article explores the effects of new media upon representative democracy. It begins by considering the lessons from studies of the effects of previous communication media, such as television. A survey of British MPs' use of and attitudes towards new media is reported, as is another survey of British citizens' attitudes towards new media and political institutions. The article concludes by suggesting that systemic changes to democratic representation might occur as a result of new media and setting out some principles likely to result in the best use of new media in representative democracies. 相似文献
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Alexandra Hall Rosa Koenraadt Georgios A. Antonopoulos 《Trends in Organized Crime》2017,20(3-4):296-315
It has been widely suggested that the global market in counterfeit, falsified and illegally traded medicines has expanded at a tremendous rate in recent years, offering lucrative opportunities for criminal entrepreneurs with little legal risk. However, with a few exceptions, there has been little criminological research conducted on the trade’s actors and organisation. Of the few studies that are available, most position the supply of these products in the context of ‘transnational organised crime’, often presupposing the overwhelming presence of large-scale, hierarchical structures in the trade. This article, based on two extensive research projects in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, offers an account of the illicit supply of medicines in two European jurisdictions. The research outlines the nature and dynamics of the trade including the roles played by each national context as nodes in the global supply chain. The focus then shifts to the modus operandi, actors, online trade and social organisation in both countries. In contradistinction to the ‘transnational organised crime’ narrative, the empirical data outlined in this paper demonstrates that actors and networks involved in the trade are highly flexible and complex structures that straddle the categories of licit and illicit, online and offline, and global and local. This suggests that operations supplying illicit medicines vary largely in terms of size, reach, organisation and legality. 相似文献
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In this paper, we examine the reform of academic tenure in the United Kingdom (UK) after the 1988 Education Reform Act.1 We test the hypothesis that softening tenure encourages incumbent academics to consolidate their hold on academic life [ Carmichael (1988)]. We also assess the economic significance of the English and American case law on tenure, because an understanding of the legal aspects of tenure is required to identify the possible effects of tenure reform. The years after passage of the Act provide an interesting natural experiment, as the broad effect of the legislation was to soften, though not to remove, tenure in British universities. 2 We can find support for the Carmichael hypothesis prereform but do not believe that the Act caused incumbent academics to consolidate their hold on senior posts after the reform.Tenure implies that the holder of a post cannot be removed from it except for good cause, usually based on gross moral turpitude or gross incompetence. Such removal is historically characterized by a costly procedure governed by organizational statutes, as shown in Hines v. Birkbeck College.3 In the United Kingdom, academic tenure has been associated with open-ended contracts of employment and often had a particularly hard form before 1988. In the United States, where it has often been possible to dismiss academics for financial reasons by abolishing whole departments, tenure has taken a softer form (although often harder to obtain) and can still be held to exist even when an employment contract is of a fixed term as long as it is renewable. 4 The details of universities’ tenure statutes have always varied between institutions, in both the United Kingdom and United States, which is often overlooked.
Abstract
“Before 1988, could your university make academics redundant by giving notice and paying statutory redundancy pay, or was it extremely hard to sack academics—having to buy them out or use arguments based on gross moral turpitude or incompetence?” 相似文献11.
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C Sakala 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》1990,15(4):709-753
After a hiatus in the early to mid-1980s, a growing number of policy leaders, policy organizations, and citizen groups are advocating programs that ensure basic medical care for all. Although a large literature examines the applicability to the U.S. of national medical care programs that have been established in other countries from the perspective of operations and effectiveness, little attention has been given to the applicability of the experience of other nations in securing these programs. This paper examines the development of national programs in the U.K. and Canada and addresses two questions. First, what factors were critical to the establishment of the British National Health Service and the Canadian hospital and physician insurance programs? Second, how applicable are those factors to current conditions in the U.S.? The paper reviews the roles played by dislocations in society, by established models of state-sponsored medical care programs, by political institutions and leaders, and by the major medical sectors. It shows that the U.S., while differing in many particulars, presents several parallels to the U.K. and Canada. The paper argues that the current environment in the U.S. offers the nation the opportunity to develop at state or local levels government-sponsored programs that guarantee basic medical benefits to all. A new and powerful coalition, moreover, may in the coming years advance the cause of broader, more substantive change at the national level. 相似文献
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Liverpool Law Review - Adhesion contracts have a strong likelihood of being unconscionable. The laws and principles are further complicated by the introduction of electronic contracts, specifically... 相似文献
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Flexible work, the practice of giving employees some control over their working time, can transform the modern workplace. Once the province of scattered national legislation, the European Union is now considering the inclusion of flextime rights in the Working Time Directive (WTD), the leading EU legislation related to work time. In this article, we propose that the European Commission should adopt a right to request flexible work as part of the WTD. Adoption of the right to request flexible work would significantly alleviate the challenges employees face in maintaining work–life balance. The right to request flexible work can also provide benefits to employers by increasing employee loyalty and productivity. Finally, adoption of the right to request flexible work into the WTD would improve the overall effectiveness of the EU's employment law framework in an increasingly fast‐paced and competitive society. 相似文献
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We are at the beginning of an era in which the pressure to secure the biggest possible "bang" for the health care "buck" is perhaps higher than it ever has been, on both sides of the Atlantic, and within the health policy discourse, incentives, for both professionals and patients, are occupying an increasingly prominent position. In this article, we consider issues related to motivating the professional and the patient to perform targeted actions, drawing on some of the evidence that has thus far been reported on experiences in the United Kingdom and the United States, and we present an admittedly somewhat speculative taxonomy of hypothesized effectiveness for some of the different methods by which each of these two broad types of incentives can be offered. We go on to summarize some of the problems of, and objections to, the use of incentives in health and health care, such as those relating to motivational crowding and gaming, but we conclude by positing that, following appropriate consideration, caution, and methodological and empirical investigation, health-related incentives, at least in some contexts, may contribute positively to the social good. 相似文献
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Lolita Tsanaclis John F.C. Wicks 《Forensic Science International Supplement Series》2007,170(2-3):121
This paper presents an overview of the most common sectioning patterns utilised in the analysis of hair for drug use; report on the major user groups (sectors) that currently make use of hair analysis in the United Kingdom (UK); present the results for the different drug groups analysed in samples of hair samples analysed at TrichoTech between 2001 and 2005.A total of 186,084 tests on 34,626 hair samples were performed for the commonly requested drug groups. There were 145,799 enzyme-linked Immunosorbent positive screening tests (ELISA), which were subsequently confirmed by gas chromatography equipped with mass spectrometry detection (GC–MS). The two major sectors were the Medico-Legal sector (65%) and Workplace (20%). Police (Forensics), Clinical Monitoring, Schools, Research and Insurance accounted together for the remaining 15% of the samples. Combinations of several sections patterns were requested covering periods from the most recent month up to 24 months. The most common sectioning pattern was one single section measuring 3 cm, to cover the most recent 3 months (44%), which in some cases was complemented by a further 3 cm to cover together 6 months (13%). The second most common sectioning pattern was the analysis of three sections of 1 cm each to cover the most recent 3 months (28%), when a more detailed evaluation of drug use pattern was relevant. Samples collected from other areas of the body such as axilla, pubic, chest, beard and leg, constituted 6% of the samples. The analysis of monthly sections plays an important role in the evaluation and interpretation of drug use, particularly in certain Medico-Legal cases. The sectors with the highest rates of positive results were Police (Forensics) (78%), Medico-Legal (62%) and Clinical (54%). The common drugs in each group were cannabinol (27%), cocaine (25%), morphine (17%), amphetamine (13%) and diazepam (15%). The positive rate for the Workplace sector was 10%. The most common drugs detected in the Workplace samples in each group were: THC (4%), codeine (2%), cocaine (2%), MDMA (0.5%) and diazepam (0.1%). The concentration levels of drugs found in samples from the workplace were lower than in the other sectors (95% of cases). The exceptions were for dihydrocodeine and MDMA, where levels were 170 and 143% higher, respectively. However, the maximum levels detected in the Workplace samples were lower. The Medico-Legal sector is the most prevalent sector using hair analysis in the UK but the rate of Workplace sector use of hair testing is increasing. One in 10 workplace hair tests detected the presence of at least one drug, which is twice the rate of detection using urine, which is a 1 in 20 urine sample. This means that the chances of identifying people on drugs in the workplace by testing hair samples are twice as likely than urine samples. 相似文献
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In the United States, the recently enacted Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 envisions a significant increase in federal oversight over the nation's health care system. At the same time, however, the legislation requires the states to play key roles in every aspect of the reform agenda (such as expanding Medicaid programs, creating insurance exchanges, and working with providers on delivery system reforms). The complicated intergovernmental partnerships that govern the nation's fragmented and decentralized system are likely to continue, albeit with greater federal oversight and control. But what about intergovernmental relations in the United Kingdom? What impact did the formal devolution of power in 1999 to Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland have on health policy in those nations, and in the United Kingdom more generally? Has devolution begun a political process in which health policy in the United Kingdom will, over time, become increasingly decentralized and fragmented, or will this "state of unions" retain its long-standing reputation as perhaps the most centralized of the European nations? In this article, we explore the federalist and intergovernmental implications of recent reforms in the United States and the United Kingdom, and we put forward the argument that political fragmentation (long-standing in the United States and just emerging in the United Kingdom) produces new intergovernmental partnerships that, in turn, produce incremental growth in overall government involvement in the health care arena. This is the impact of what can be called catalytic federalism. 相似文献