一体推进“不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐”的理论思考

将一体推进"不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐"作为反腐败斗争的基本方针和全面从严治党的重要方略,这是习近平总书记关于新时代深入开展反腐败斗争的重要思想。坚持一体推进"三不腐"具有重要时代意义,它是对反腐败历史经验的重要总结、对反腐败思想理论的高度提炼、对反腐败现实情况的深刻把握、对国际反腐经验的有益借鉴。贯彻落实这一方针的基本要求包括:加强一体推进"三不腐"的统一领导、贯通运用监督执纪的"四种形态"、提升一体推进"三不腐"的工作效能及其融合协同。要构建一体推进"三不腐"的体制机制,必须健全党和国家的监督体系、完善权力配置和运行制约机制、优化纪检监察监督机制、建立"三不腐"融合的具体制度。     

一体推进不敢腐 不能腐 不想腐

习近平总书记在十九届中央纪委四次全会上指出,要深刻把握党风廉政建设规律,一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐。这不仅是反腐败斗争的基本方针,也是新时代全面从严治党的重要方略。一体推进“三不”,深刻总结了改革开放以来特别是党的十八大以来反腐败斗争的理念思路和实践经验,明确阐述了一体推进“三不”在新时代深化全面从严治党中的地位、关系、重要作用和发展方向,郑重宣示了坚定不移全面从严治党、巩固发展反腐败斗争压倒性胜利的政治立场,标志着我们党对党风廉政建设规律的认识和把握达到了新水平,对新时代坚持和加强党的全面领导具有重要指导意义。     

建党百年中国共产党反腐败斗争的历史脉络与实践规律

建党百年,反腐败斗争跟随党的发展不断前进。从革命时期党对反腐败斗争的初步探索,到党在建设时期的运动反腐模式,到党在改革开放时期从打击为主转为注重预防的反腐模式,再到党的十八大以来党从确保不敢腐到一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐,党走出了极富中国特色的反腐败斗争之路。在反腐败斗争中,我们形成了清晰的反腐败斗争思路,构建了比较完备的规章制度,保证了党的先进性和纯洁性。总结反腐败斗争的实践规律,一是必须坚持党的全面领导,二是更好发挥对党员干部队伍的教育管理作用,三是采用科学合理的反腐败斗争目标和方法,四是将"不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐"一体推进。     

反腐败斗争取得压倒性胜利的形势与对策分析

反腐败斗争形势是腐败力量与反腐败力量之间的对比关系的体现。党的十九大以来反腐败斗争由形成、巩固和发展压倒性态势转变为已经取得压倒性胜利。当前反腐败斗争压倒性胜利的特点既表现为腐败力量的客观存在性,又表现为反腐败力量的高度组织性和人民性、反腐败斗争的压倒性特点。我国当前反腐败斗争虽取得压倒性胜利,但形势依然严峻复杂,并具有众多表现形式,其主要根源来自基本原因、根本原因和主要原因三个方面。构建"不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐"的制度体制机制是巩固发展反腐败斗争压倒性胜利的重要举措,但"不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐"是一个有机整体,在反腐败实践中要打通三者的内在联系,一体推进。     

一体推进“三不机制”巩固发展反腐败斗争压倒性胜利的对策

党的十八大以来习近平总书记对反腐败斗争的论断,从"腐败与反腐败斗争呈胶着状态",到"反腐败斗争压倒性态势已经形成",到"夺取反腐败斗争压倒性胜利",再到一体推进"三不机制""巩固发展压倒性胜利",表明新时代全面从严治党向纵深发展,反腐败斗争已取得重大胜利,以习近平同志为核心的党中央已有效回答执政党贪腐的世界性难题。反腐败斗争压倒性胜利有力证明"三不机制"的科学性、实践性、创新性。党的十九大后要一体推进"三不机制",强化不敢腐的震慑,扎牢不能腐的笼子,增强不想腐的自觉,以"三不机制"威慑力巩固发展反腐斗争压倒性胜利。"三不机制"是习近平总书记在党建理论与实践结合上的创新,是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想中的反腐败核心内容,反腐败斗争压倒性胜利成果已证明其科学性、正确性。"三不机制"既推动了新时代全面从严治党纵深发展,又巩固发展了反腐败斗争压倒性胜利成果。为此,要在理论与实践结合上把握"三不机制",在新时代增强一体推进"三不机制"的自觉性、主动性、创造性。     

新时代推进国家廉政治理现代化的价值、基础与路径

推进国家廉政治理现代化,是促进国家治理现代化的题中之义,也是汲取历史上治乱兴衰经验教训、巩固当前反腐败斗争压倒性胜利的必然要求。党的十八大以来,中国之制日趋完善、廉政改革全面深入、反腐败斗争取得重大成效,为新时代推进国家廉政治理现代化奠定了坚实的生发基础。今天我们要站在新的历史交汇点,在党的集中统一领导下,以建设廉洁政治为目标,凝聚廉洁共识、发扬改革精神、强化法治思维,构建一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐体制机制,将国家廉政治理现代化推向新阶段。     

深入推进反腐败斗争的理论和实践思考

腐败是困扰当今世界各国并亟待解决的政治难题,会给党和国家事业带来极大危害。作为马克思主义政党,反对腐败、建设廉洁政治是中国共产党一贯坚持的鲜明政治立场和政治追求,是管党治党、全面从严治党的重大任务。新时代,我们党坚持习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的指导,形成科学的反腐败领导体制和工作机制,构建党统一指挥、全面覆盖、权威高效的监督体系,一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐,继续深入推进反腐败斗争。     

正风肃纪一体推进"三不"

党的十八大以来,随着反腐败斗争深入推进,党中央在坚持有案必查、有腐必惩的治标之策同时,也通过靶向治疗、精准惩治,以治标促治本,不断夯实治本的基础. 特别是党的十九大以来,以习近平同志为核心的党中央准确把握管党治党规律,科学判断反腐败斗争形势任务,审时度势作出一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐的重大战略部署,反腐败工作不断从...     

新时代坚持和完善有效治理腐败的战略策略体系

坚持和完善有效治理腐败的战略策略体系,是坚持和完善中国特色社会主义制度、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的重要组成部分和必须要求。进入新时代,以习近平同志为核心的党中央以坚强的反腐败战略决心,审时度势,提出反腐败战略定位、战略目标、战略原则等新的战略思想和战略举措。与此同时,突出重点,实施一系列灵活管用的反腐败策略和方法,一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐,不断巩固和发展反腐败斗争压倒性胜利。     

要论摘登

<正>要以新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导,增强"四个意识"、坚定"四个自信"、做到"两个维护",以党的政治建设为统领全面推进党的建设,取得全面从严治党更大战略性成果,巩固发展反腐败斗争压倒性胜利,一体推进不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐,健全党和国家监督体系,确保党的十九大精神和党中央重大决策部署坚决贯彻落实到位,以优异成绩庆祝中华人民共和国成立70周年。     

新时代如何增强不想腐的自觉:十八大以来的基本经验

"增强不想腐的自觉",是新时代中国共产党党建工作的重要任务。十八大以来的基本经验告诉我们,应注重发挥教育、制度、惩处、监督等手段的整体合力,采取标本兼治、多管齐下防治腐败策略,以推动党员、干部尽早向不想腐目标迈进。具体而言:通过开展系列思想政治教育活动,旨在提升党员干部的觉悟程度,增强不想腐的自觉;通过不断完善反腐败党内法规制度体系,并不断加强现有党内法规制度的执行力,大幅度减少腐败机会以遏制腐败动机,推动不能腐向不想腐转变;通过保持高压惩治腐败态势,提升腐败综合成本以压制腐败动机,促使不敢腐向不想腐转变;通过构建廉洁政治生态,营造风清气正的从政环境,为实现不想腐目标提供良好的环境支撑。     

Corrupt Governmental Networks

ABSTRACT

This study provides an empirically based analysis of corrupt governmental networks. We conducted 45 interviews in Hungary with different organizational actors who were actually participating in corrupt transactions or at least had first-hand experiences of corruption. Given the secret nature of the topic, this article provides a unique insight into the phenomenon. Our findings show that corrupt elite cliques consciously design and coordinate multilevel structures of corrupt networks within and among organizations that involve a large amount of people. We identified the major network elements and their functions in corrupt transactions. The article also provides a typology of corrupt networks. The networks have different structural characteristics based on location of the “cash cows,” points from where the system is fed, and the actors’ positions of power. Our findings are compared with the already existing literature on dark networks, terrorist, and organized crime formations.     

Corrupt political jurisdictions and voter participation

An FBI investigation of county purchasing activities in the mid 1980s resulted in the conviction of 55 of Mississippi's 410 county supervisors. Analyzing data from the state's 1987 county supervisor elections and hypothesizing that candidates' demands for votes increase as the gains from holding public office increase, we predict larger voter turnouts in the 26 of the state's 82 counties where supervisor corruption was exposed. Holding constant average voter turnout in the preceding U.S. presidential election and controlling for the competitiveness of supervisor races, we find that more Mississippians indeed voted in corrupt than in non-corrupt counties.     

腐败行为模型研究及其未来展望

已有文献较少研究微观层面的个体腐败决策过程,即腐败行为模型研究。在梳理腐败行为模型理论背景和有关概念基础上,介绍了这一模型所构建的个体从事腐败行为前的四阶段决策过程理论框架,分析了模型中个体动机、意志、认知和情绪等多种成分对腐败的影响机制。总结该模型在个体、情境和组织等因素影响腐败的有关研究中的应用现状,结果表明,相对于宏观因素,个体因素对腐败意图和行为的影响可能更具有决定性。最后提出了腐败行为模型的研究展望:进一步完善理论框架,深入探讨模型中各有关变量的作用机制,对情境和组织层面的腐败影响因素进行整合。     

Well-Being in the Welfare State: Level Not Higher, Distribution Not More Equitable

The terms well-being and welfare are Often bracketed together, especially well-being and state welfare. The level of well-being is believed to be higher in welfare states, and its distribution more equitable. This theory is tested here in a comparative study of 41 nations from 1980 to 1990. The size of state welfare is measured by social security expenditures. The well-being of citizens is measured in terms of the degree to which they lead healthy and happy lives. Contrary to expectation, there appears to be no link between the size of the welfare state and the level of well-being within it. In countries with generous social security schemes, people are not healthier or happier than in equally affluent countries where the state is less open-handed. Increases or reductions in social security expenditure are not related to a rise or fall in the level of health and happiness either. There also appears to be no connection between the size of state welfare and equality in well-being among citizens of the state. In countries where social security expenditure is high, the dispersion of health and happiness is not smaller than in equally prosperous countries with less social insurance spending. Again, increases and reductions in social security expenditure are not linked with equality in health and happiness among citizens. This counterintuitive result raises five questions: (1) Is this really true? (2) If so, what could explain this lack of effect? (3) Why is it so difficult to believe this result? (4) How should this information affect social policy? (5) What can we learn from further research?     

贪官人格及其防治

贪官的人格不健全,畸形的需要、贪婪的动机、扭曲的价值观、相对稳定的贪腐行为倾向,是贪官人格的基本特性。悖德型、冲动型、自恋型或混合型的人格,是贪官人格的主要类型。有的贪官在进入官场之前已经形成不健全人格,有的贪官则是在进入官场之后,在不良职业环境影响下,逐渐形成不健全人格。为有效地预防贪官出现,应实行任职前人格调查,采取净化职业环境等措施。     

Security,Not Defence,Strategic, Not Habit: Restructuring the Political Arrangements for Policy Making on Britain's Role in the World

The Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government has committed itself to a Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDR) in 2010. The government and the country face very hard choices to bring United Kingdom defence and security policy back from the brink of bankruptcy—both financial and strategic (Gow). To succeed, it must overcome the failings of the past (Chisnall, Dorman, Rees) and take a truly open and radical look at all aspects of policy and process—including the Trident independent nuclear deterrent (Allen), relations with Europe (Witney) and the importance of cyber‐issues in the future security context (Fisher). It must get strategic concepts right to provide flexibility with credibility (Stone). It must deliver ‘what the military wants’: true strategic prioritisation, radical defence acquisition reform, and credible balancing of resources and commitments (Kiszley). The scale of the challenge facing the United Kingdom in—and beyond—the 2010 SDR is why The Political Quarterly convened a workshop early in 2010 involving MPs, practitioners, retired military personnel, journalists, commentators, business people and academics, and publishes these associated papers. Most of all, to overcome the failings of the past, there must be a radical move beyond the welcome first steps of the Cameron–Clegg government to introduce a National Security Council and a National Security Advisor, to reconfigure relationships within government, across departments and with Parliament to have a government figure of accountability and responsibility—a Secretary of State for Security Policy, primus inter pares with other Secretaries of State—to make sense of the questions needing to be asked and answered (Gearson and Gow).     

高校党建与腐败型犯罪的防控对策探析

面对高校腐败型犯罪易发、多发、高发的严峻态势,深入研究其发生、发展变化的规律和特点,对于切实加强高校党的建设,构建标本兼治、综合治理、惩防并举、注重预防的我国高校腐败型犯罪预防体系,具有十分重要的理论与实践意义。