东南亚华人企业集团初探

战后，东南亚经济取得了迅速的发展。作为东南亚民族经济的重要组成部分，东南亚华人企业集团随之迅速兴起，并在各国经济发展中占有重要的地位。东南亚华人企业集团的形成与发展，是战后海外华人资本逐渐走向成熟阶段的显著标志，同时也是海外华人资本发展规律必然反映。所谓华人人企业集团，是指以公司和子公司组成的华人企业群体。东南亚各国没有专门的企业集团的法律规定，因而难以准确界定华人企业集团的标准。另一方面，许多华人企业存在着与其他资本合资的形式。因此，华人企业集团一般是指以华人控股为主、由拥有雄厚资本实力的核心…     

东南亚闽籍华人企业集团的兴起及其在闽东南地区的投资

福建省是我国第二大侨乡，闽籍海外华人约800多万人，主要集中在东南亚各国。近年来，伴随着东南亚经济的起飞，东南亚闽籍华人企业集团迅速兴起。这些颇具规模的华人企业集团，已拥有相当的经济实力，并逐步向海外扩展。因此，研究和探讨东南亚闽籍华人企业集团的发展状况，对我省吸引东南亚华人资本的投资，加快闽东南地区的经济开发，具有重要的现实意义。一、闽籍华人企业集团的发展现状东南亚闽籍华人企业集团在70年代形成，而其资本规模和经济实力的迅速扩大则是在80年代，尤其是80年代中期以后。在东南亚，闽籍华人企业集团主要集中…     

东南亚与中国的经济合作:华人企业集团的作用

近年来，随着东南亚国家经济的迅速发展，世界经济的国际化、区域化进展，东南亚企业集团的经济实力不断增强，进行跨国经营活动的企业集团越来越多，跨国经营的范围和规模也越来越大，以至形成为企业集团经营的显著特点之一。改革开放以后的中国，也是东南亚企业集团尤其是华人企业集团进行跨国经营的重要投资地，近年来的直接投资增长迅速，人们尤为关注。然而，由于东南亚华人的历史文化背景，东南亚华人企业集团对中国的投资又引起了不同的议论甚至指责，给东南亚华人企业集团的跨国经营活动蒙上阴影。因此，正确地认识和系统研究这一问…     

东南亚华人企业集团的家族经营及其发展变化

东南亚华人企业集团的经营管理方式,以家族经营为主。经过几十年的发展,东南亚华人企业集团的家族经营发生了很大的变化。东南亚华人企业在经营管理方面作了多方面的探索,与传统上的家族经营相比较,华人企业集团已经吸收了很多现代的企业管理经验,经营管理水平有了一定的提高。     

东南亚华人企业集团发展的现状与趋势

90年代末，东南亚金融危机对迅速发展的当地华人企业集团造成巨大的冲击。金融危机后，华人企业集团进行了一系列战略重组与结构调整。伴随着所在国经济的复苏，华人企业集团已开始走出经营低谷，竞争优势也将逐渐恢复。     

东南亚金融危机对当地华人经济的影响

自去年7月以来，东南亚国家爆发的金融危机至今尚未平息。这次严重的金融危机，对迅速发展的东南亚华人经济造成巨大的冲击。东南亚金融危机爆发后，当地华人经济的发展前景引人关注。一、金融危机前迅速发展的华人经济80年代中期后，随着东南亚经济的迅速起飞，作为当地民族经济有机组成部分的华人经济取得空前的发展。各国华人企业的经济实力急剧扩大，经营结构日趋多元化，海外投资不断扩展，它们在当地经济发展和区域经济合作中扮演着重要角色。近十年，东南亚华人经济实力日益壮大，尤其是华人企业集团的迅速兴起。在印．尼，70年代华…     

论东南亚华人企业集团的发展特点

近年来，伴随着海外华人经济的崛起，东南亚华人企业集团迅速兴起。这些颇具规模的华人企业集团，已拥有相当的经济实力，并逐步向海外扩展，在本国乃至区域经济发展中发挥了积极作用。目前，东南亚国家知名的华人企业集团主要有：印尼的三林集团、金光集团、巴里多太平洋集团、盐仓集团、计集团、力宝集团、大马集团等吗来西亚的郭氏兄弟集团、云顶集团、丰隆（马）集团、东方实业集团、甘文丁机构、刘蝶集团、吉隆坡甲洞集团、马联工业集团、成功集团、马婆集团、金狮集团等；菲律宾的亚洲世界集团、陈永栽企业集团、吴奕辉企业集团、杨应…     

1997年东南亚金融危机以来新加坡华人企业集团变化发展分析

新加坡是东南亚各国中华族人口占绝大多数的国家,华人经济在新加坡经济发展过程中一直有着重要的地位。本文以1997年东南亚金融危机以来新加坡华人企业集团变化发展为主线,对1997~2008年期间新加坡华人企业集团变化和发展状况及特点进行分析。     

关于东南亚华人企业集团研究的几个问题

随着80年代亚太地区经济的高速增长，亚洲的发展便逐渐吸引了全球的视线，ZI世纪也被认为是“亚洲的世纪”或“亚洲太平洋时代”，而包括中国大陆、台湾、香港以及东南亚华人经济在内的中国经济和海外华人经济又被认为是亚洲经济成长的动力。其中，华人（华裔）企业集团的发展及其经营活动尤其引人注目，甚至“令全世界的产业界‘惊叹”’”。在这样的背景下，从80年代后半期开始，探讨亚洲企业集团、华人企业集团发展和经营问题的论著也多起来了。90年代以来，陆续有研究亚洲、东南亚华人企业集团的专著问世，还有一些介绍华人企业家成功…     

东南亚华人企业集团研究进展之管见

伴随着东南亚华人企业集团迅速崛起，关于华人企业集团的研究成为探讨海外华人经济的发展和中国引进外资进行四化建设的热门话题。本文拟就前些年的研究动态作一简单回顾，对中、日学术界在这一领域的研究作一比较，并对今后的研究说点个人看法。     

Ethnicity,Colonial Legacies,and Postindependence Issues of Identity Politics in North-East India

The idea of indigenousness has been evoked to legitimize group exclusive claims including separate territories in North-East India. By analyzing experiences in Meghalaya and Manipur, the article argues that the colonial ethnic categorization that produced “ethnic conglomerates” has generated a number of problems leading to conflict in the postindependence period. First, certain composite identities have been formed by bringing together under a single umbrella a range of distinct indigenous groups' identity, often leading to the suppression of smaller identities within the larger group. Thus, the smaller groups struggle to have their own identities recognized. Furthermore, the imposed ethnic categorization has enabled the contemporary political class, which has simply perpetuated the colonial system, to use cultural identity and “indigenousness” instrumentally to their own advantage.     

European integration and lessons for China

This paper compares the European Union and the People’s Republic of China by viewing them primarily as conglomerates of smaller constituents, each with their own political and economic significance in relations with their respective political centres. While this is a perspective that is more easily applied to the EU given that each of its members enjoys sovereignty and also the Union’s rather short history, Chinese area studies have only recently begun viewing China as a sum of its parts. The present study while conscious of the huge differences in the historical development and present realities of both the EU and China, posits that the similarities in the centre-constituent as well inter-constituent relationships developing in both the EU and China allow for important lessons to be drawn. A key focus is the differentiated set of relationships developing between Brussels and the latest entrants to the EU and between the older and newer members of the EU. In China, too, the nature of relationships between the central government and the better-developed coastal provinces is different from those that Beijing has with the central or western provinces, with implications also for the relationships among these different sets of provinces themselves. The tensions and charges of unfair treatment seen in the accessions of the Central and Eastern European nations to the EU, have an echo in the similar complaints that have been coming from the interior provinces of China since the beginning of economic reforms in that country, and perhaps, provide pointers to the future direction of the development of centre-province and inter-provincial relationships in China.     

Javanese culture as the source of legitimacy for Soeharto’s government

Since its independence on the 17th of August 1945, Indonesia has been governed consecutively by five presidents. Among them, Retired Army Great General Soeharto managed to be president for more than 32 years. There were many factors making him succeed in reaching, promoting, as well as maintaining power for these years. Despite his ability to place the military forces and police, the civilian bureaucracy, the Functional Group called Golkar, as well as the conglomerates under his own tight control, he also managed to manipulate Javanese cultural values as the source of legitimacy for his decisions and policies. As a puritan Javanese, Soeharto believed that a number of traditional Javanese thoughts in the forms of guidance and prohibitions, when practiced, would not only make individuals but also the Indonesian people in general have a noble and generous mind, or ber budi bawa leksana, that is: the ones who are really good as the essence of goodness, or becik sajatining becik. He claimed that it would not be difficult for the Indonesian people to improve their consciousness as the nation of Indonesia in their state, government and social life on the basis of Pancasila, if they understood Javanese cultural values properly (Rukmana 1993:xi). Based on this belief, Soeharto then tried to convince people that his all decisions and policies were socially just and philosophically correct because they had been based on very high Javanese philosophical values. As for example, when he treated his enemy or rival, such as ex-President Soekarno, or when he responded the critiques launched by his rivals or enemies, like Sawito Kartowibowo, Jailani Naro, Soeryadi, Megawati Soekarnoputri, Abdurahman Wahid, Permadi, Sri Bintang Pamungkas, and Amien Rais, challenging his position as the President or asking questions about presidential succession, Soeharto knew how to manipulate Javanese cultural values in order to justify or even legitimize his decisions and policies.

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After the banquet: Japan’s power elite revisited

The demise of Japan’s iron triangle, consisting of the LDP’s parliamentary party, the central ministries and the keiretsu conglomerates ruling Japan conjointly, has been diagnosed since some time now (Thayer, 1993; Blechinger, 2001). After more than one decade of an unprecedented crisis in Japan’s political economy which severely tested the competences and the legitimacy of Japan’s ruling classes it is about time to resume and to take stock of changes and continuities in her power structures. In a nutshell it appears that (1) the political system after serious shifts and jolts during the 1990s has reverted to the old one-and-a-half party system—with the conservative democrats (DPJ) displacing the Socialists of old as the main opposition party-and with the LDP remaining firmly in the lead role, exercising increased zoku control over the ministries and continuing hereditary pork barrel oriented constituency politics as its power base. The role of the party’s factions appears as somewhat diminished. (2) the central bureaucracy suffered a gradual erosion of functions and legitimacy, affecting notably the lead ministries MOF, MITI (METI) and MFA. This was however compensated in part by the large discretionary spending volumes disbursed by the merged Infrastructure Ministry (MLIT), the supervisory functions of the new Financial Services Agency (FSA), and the strengthened competences of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). (3) the prolonged economic crisis and asset deflation affecting city banks as keiretsu lead managers consequent to a series of bank mergers has seen some keiretsu disintegrate or amalgamate. Yet it appears that other keiretsu, like Sumitomo (having taken over Mitsui) and Mitsubishi remain consolidated, while some of the previously less integrated banking keiretsu continue in a fairly oversized and loosely merged fashion. Thus the keiretsu system’s micro-economic importance may have eroded somewhat compared to their heydays in the 1980s. Still keiretsu affiliated companies continue to dominate organized zaikai business interests, like the merged Keidanren–Nikkeiren.Note that the article only reflects the personal views of the author, and none of his institution.

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云南省红河州山羊流产病原的调查

针对红河州山羊妊娠期流产严重的现象 ,进行了流行病学调查、临床症状观察、病理学检查、实验室诊断、人工感染试验和治疗试验。结果发现 ,妊娠母山羊流产现象覆盖全州 ,且流产率以每年 11.5 0 %的速度递增 ,弓形虫抗体阳性率为 30 .82 % (12 10 / 392 5 ) ,衣原体抗体阳性率为32 .31% (12 6 8/ 392 5 ) ,其中弓形虫和衣原体双重感染阳性羊占 9.35 % (36 7/ 392 5 ) ,未检出布鲁氏菌抗体阳性羊 ;自流产胎儿肺抹片中发现弓形虫滋养体包囊 ,7份流产胎儿中有 6份分离到衣原体 ;用土霉素及复方新诺明治疗有明显效果 ;人工感染试验能复制出与自然病例相同的病例模型。调查结果表明 ,红河州广泛流行的山羊妊娠期流产的病原是弓形虫、衣原体 ,2种病原单一感染或混合感染是造成流产的主要原因。     

A critique of quantitative measures of the degree of democracy in Israel

The question addressed in this study is: ‘How accurate and meaningful are quantitative measures of the degree of democracy in Israel?’ With the increasing use of such measures in studies of democracy, an answer to this question becomes increasingly important. The Freedom House and Polity IV measures of democracy in Israel contend that there is a very high level of democracy, but their characterization is contradicted sharply by the views of many scholars. In seeking to account for this contradiction, we will assess the accuracy and meaningfulness of the two quantitative measures. We find that both empirical and conceptual problems affect the utility of the measures. Empirical inaccuracies are suggested by three findings: the role in Israel's democracy of the largest minority group, the Israeli Arabs, is ignored or substantially discounted; the discrepancies between the two indices suggest that at least one of them is not capturing empirical reality accurately; and neither index seems very sensitive to democracy-related events in the country. The degree to which these empirical findings are indicators of inaccuracies is dependent upon the conceptualization of democracy. Conceptually, the indices differ from each other and from the concepts used by many others who examine Israeli democracy. Two conclusions are reached: the indices measure imperfectly what they call Israeli ‘democracy’. Furthermore, a prima facie look at the scores characterizing democracy in other countries suggests that the ‘democracy’ they measure in Israel is not the same as the ‘democracy’ they measure elsewhere. The implications are several: on the academic side, the accuracy of general knowledge developed using these measures becomes questionable. On the practical side, the indices contribute little to knowledge that may be applied to overcoming the complex problems democracy in Israel is facing or the building of democracy in other countries of the Middle East. Thus, their accuracy and meaningfulness is limited.     

磷对体外大鼠成骨细胞增殖分化及钙化功能的影响

在体外培养大鼠成骨细胞的过程中添加磷(0、1、2、4 mmol/L),检测不同时间内的细胞增殖能力、碱性磷酸酶活性、骨桥蛋白表达及钙化功能,探讨了磷对成骨细胞增殖分化及钙化的影响。结果表明,磷能促进成骨细胞增殖,随着磷浓度的增加,增殖作用减弱,只在添加磷后第6、7 d极显著高于对照组;磷能显著或极显著地抑制碱性磷酸酶活性,即作用第5 d时,4 mmol/L磷组显著低于1 mmol/L磷组;作用第8 d时,4 mmol/L磷组显著低于1 mmol/L磷组,2 mmol/L磷组极显著低于4 mmol/L磷组;磷能诱导骨桥蛋白的表达(P<0.01),12、mmol/L高于4 mmol/L磷组;磷能诱导钙化,钙化结节个数极显著高于对照组,钙化结节平均面积只有1 mmol/L磷组显著高于对照组,随着磷浓度的变大,钙化结节平均面积逐渐减小而钙化结节个数则逐渐增多。表明添加不同浓度的磷均能抑制成骨细胞的早期分化,促进其增殖,诱导细胞基质成熟及钙化,利于新骨的形成,但4 mmol/L磷组效果较差。     

日本对华援助(ODA)政策调整的原因分析

日本对华援助是在中国放弃日本战争赔款和国际形势发生重大变化、要促进中日两国和平友好相处的背景下产生的,20多年来,日本对华“援助”在中国大地的改革开放过程中,谱写了中日友好的新篇章。但是,近年来,由于国际形势和中日两国国内情况的变化,中日关系在逐步倒退。日本开始改变初衷,即对华援助从过去的以经济利益为目的转向以政治利益为目的。日本对华ODA政策作了大幅调整,“援助”金额逐渐减少,而且,日本政要多次表示对华经援“总有一天要毕业”。日本方面出现了与初衷不同的做法,给两国关系正常化带来了不利的影响。     

简论苏联干部委任制的形成

苏联的干部委任制始于列宁时期 ,形成于斯大林时期。委任制作为俄国文化的积淀在苏联一定历史时期的存在 ,有其合理性。但是委任制毕竟要被现代社会所抛弃。斯大林非但未能及时进行改革 ,反使之登峰造极 ,最后给后代留下了遗患。     

朝核问题视角下的东北亚安全

冷战后,自从朝核问题出现以来,东北亚的安全局势发生了巨大的变化,朝核问题已然成为东北亚安全的焦点与核心。基于东北亚的区域特点和安全形势,朝核问题的地区解决方式应该是比较稳妥、长远、符合现实的,同时需要地区内主要大国的推动以及双边与多边机制的结合,重要的是在区域的核心点上将朝鲜纳入国际社会的发展轨道。然后,在这些原则基础上去探索东北亚安全机制建构的路径。