共查询到7条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
二十国集团作为国际经济合作的主要平台,要在全球经济治理中发挥核心作用,需要处理好与其他国际机构的关系。二十国集团取代了八国集团在国际经济合作中的地位,并相对明确地划分了各自的议题领域;帮助国际货币基金组织和世界银行筹措资金,推动它们进行配额改革,并取得一定进展;承诺抵制贸易保护主义,推动世界贸易组织多哈回合谈判尽快结束;正努力与联合国建立互利合作的关系。 相似文献
2.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(1):91-127
This paper examines the structure of the international telecommunications regime in terms of networks of social interaction and institutional affiliation among international actors. Social interaction and overlapping membership data of 69 international telecommunications organizations in the Yearbook of International Organizations 1994/1995 are analyzed to describe the social structure of the international telecommunications system through network analysis. The analysis reveals a center‐periphery structure with the Western industrial countries at the center and the less developed countries at the periphery. The international telecommunications system is also regionally structured suggesting influence by geopolitical and cultural proximity. The results indicate that inter‐governmental global organizations such as the ITU and UNESCO play intermediate and coordinating roles at the central linking‐pin positions (or cut‐points) in the international telecommunications regime. In summary, this research shows that transitional trends in international telecommunications have affected the interaction patterns of international actors. 相似文献
3.
强化全球治理:八国集团、中国与海利根达姆进程 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
2007年开启的"海利根达姆进程"是八国集团同中国、印度、巴西、南非、墨西哥等五个发展中大国就知识产权、投资、发展、能源效率等结构性议题开展的机制性对话.本文首先探讨了海利根达姆进程的渊源,分析了八国集团在全球贸易治理中的作用,并特别提到了八国集团与包括中国在内的发展中大国的早期互动,然后探讨了海利根达姆进程的概念、筹备过程、运作方式等,最后总结了海利根达姆进程的优势和不足.本文认为,海利根达姆进程加强了八国集团同发展中五国在全球治理尤其是全球贸易治理中的联系,正在朝着"全球治理有效中心"的方向发展. 相似文献
4.
Luisa Moretto 《The Review of International Organizations》2007,2(4):345-370
This paper explores the different urban governance models proposed by multilateral aid organizations in accessing water through
informal supply systems, to assess the rationale and the guiding principles at the basis of their different ‘governance approaches’.
There can be no doubt that most developing countries are now experiencing a rapid and unprecedented urban growth, which is
bringing about a rising demand for urban services, especially those concerning water supply. To cope with this pressing issue,
the response of multilateral aid organizations—such as the World Bank, UN-HABITAT and the European Union––has been represented
by the design and implementation of different urban governance and management systems, called to support an equitable and
efficient access to urban water supply services. This paper focuses on the different urban governance approaches through which
multilateral donors support informal networks and small scale providers to provide water supply in cities of developing countries.
It highlights how these different urban governance approaches address the overall issues of poverty reduction whilst in reality,
in certain cases, they also aim to affect and regulate domestic public policies of Third World countries. In particular, it
argues that the governance model proposed––and imposed––by the World Bank continues to belong to a neo-liberal policy agenda,
which considers water and urban services as commodities to be managed through widespread competition and market mechanisms.
On the contrary, UN-HABITAT, and the European Union to a certain extent, highlight the need for an urban governance system
that promotes the ownership of development strategies by local communities and that rests on the principles of inclusiveness
and equity.
相似文献
Luisa MorettoEmail: Email: |
5.
Anna Ohanyan 《国际研究展望》2002,3(4):396-416
The article examines the institutional infrastructure that supports the foreign aid flows in the mcrocredit sector in postconflict Bosnia and Herzegovina. It documents the mobilization of transnational networks between different international agencies in the course of the policy formulation and implementation, and elicits the effects that certain network attributes exert on the policy choices made by individual organizations. How and why do international governmental and nongovernmental organizations, with at times conflicting goals, join forces in such networks? More important, whose goals are eventually implemented, and under what conditions? Whose goals are diluted in the process of network mobilization? What are the policy implications of such "battles" for the postconflict reconstruction? The article seeks some answers to these questions, demonstrating how transnational networks intermediate between the organizational goals and the final policy outcomes that result from such a network–based mode of global governance in postconflict regions. 相似文献
6.
政府在我国城市公共安全中的角色分析——来自治理理论的启示 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
公共安全本身的控制难度较大,加之城市特性的扩大作用,使得城市公共安全很难受到政府单方的、完全的、全方位的管理。也就是说,对政府而言,城市公共安全的可管理性是有限的。治理理论对我国城市公共安全管理的启示在于政府的责任并非是无限的,但它需明确自身的应有角色并有效履行相应责任,促成一个能够有效维系城市公共安全的治理网络并在其中发挥领袖角色,即先行者、指导者、沟通者和激励者。 相似文献
7.
长期以来,全球经济治理由西方国家主导,遵从新自由主义的资本逻辑和竞争单方取胜的经济全球化运行逻辑,建构单方面契合西方国家利益偏好的统一规则治理模式。当前,这一传统的全球经济治理面临前所未有的困境而亟待变革。中国倡导的一带一路以中国道路的成功为事实基础,顺应发展导向与实践理性相互加强的理论逻辑,践行发展共赢的包容性全球化运行逻辑,塑造以包容性发展机制为核心特征的全球经济治理中国方案。对发展逻辑而非资本逻辑的遵循是一带一路倡议能够推动全球经济治理变革的逻辑根源。 相似文献