从匹兹堡峰会看国际金融体系改革的推进

如果说前两次金融峰会为国际金融体系避免系统性崩溃、世界经济避免全面深度衰退发挥了重要作用，2009年9月25日在美国宾夕法尼亚州的匹兹堡召开的二十国集团领导人第三次金融峰会，则重在引导全球经济实现持续稳定复苏，推动国际金融体制改革取得实质性进展。此次峰会在完善国际金融机构现行决策程序和机制、二十国集团地位等方面取得积极成效，但是国际金融体系改革整体推进仍旧迟缓，同时美元持续走软问题威胁到国际货币体系的稳定，影响国际金融体系改革顺利进行。     

全球治理与中国的地位和作用

2009年是"全球治理"获得重要发展和变化的一年。国际金融危机后国际经济政治利益结构和力量结构出现深刻变化,全球治理正在进入一个新阶段。其主要变化集中在四个领域:一是金融领域,针对金融危机后国际金融秩序和国际货币体系改革的方案不断推出,各大国之间展开新一轮主导权之争。二是     

从国际金融经济体系变革看主要各方关系微妙变化

发端于美国的全球性金融危机和经济衰退继续蔓延和深化。危机暴露了长期以来一直由美欧主宰的现行国际金融经济体系的不合理,扩大广大发展中国家的代表权、发言权和决策权已势在必行。主要各方围绕金融、经济和政治权益,正在展开重大博弈。国际金融经济体系改革能否成功将取决于各方能否在平衡权益上达成妥协,找到一种新的协调合作方式,建立一种新的运行机制。     

全球金融危机条件下的东亚金融合作

1997年亚洲金融危机严重冲击了地区经济的发展。受到现存国际金融体系的影响和欧元诞生的启示，十几年来，东亚地区各国均致力于金融市场的改革和提高金融体系的稳定性，寻求推动和完善东亚地区金融合作的途径。时隔11年，美国爆发次贷危机并引发全球金融危机，东亚地区的金融安全再次面临着巨大威胁。只有进一步推动和完善东亚地区的金融合作，才能最大限度降低金融危机对东亚地区经济的影响。     

中国与中东主权财富基金合作探析

作为国家公共部门投资主体的主权财富基金是国际金融体系中新的市场参与者,它的兴起意味着发展中国家在国际金融领域相对重要性的上升。中国与中东引领了全球主权财富基金的快速发展,双方的合作具有重要意义。从制度创新与变迁的视角分析,主权财富基金合作会对资本流动、监管协调、货币体系等广泛的国际制度领域产生影响,并可能推动国际金融制度演进和全球金融治理革新。自2008年全球金融危机以来,中国与中东主权财富基金通过联合投资、共建主权财富基金国际论坛等行动,一定意义上改变了国际金融市场的格局,并推动了国际金融监管机制的变革。中国应把握机遇,在防范地缘风险、维护金融安全利益的基础上,进一步推动双方主权财富基金合作,加强国际资本市场布局,并有效参与全球金融治理。     

金融政治学:地缘政治竞争下的新议程

金融是国际政治经济学研究的一个重要研究领域和方向,国际政治经济学的金融研究已形成较为明确的研究内涵和边界。但是,由于其诞生和发展植根于国际关系学学科体系之下,国际政治经济学的金融研究议程在解释国际政治经济变化及其所导致的国家间关系和国内政策调整上仍存在局限,尤其是对国内政治和比较政治层面的金融活动和政策关注不足。作为研究方向和研究议程,“金融政治学”在国际政治经济学金融研究的基础上,更加全面地囊括和融合国内政治、比较政治和国际关系研究中的金融议题,尝试对政治和金融的关系进行更加系统的探索。在国际秩序变革期和地缘政治博弈回归的背景下,中国的金融政治学核心议题至少包括五方面内容：支撑中国经济和金融高质量发展的最匹配金融体制,维护国家金融安全的最佳系统性策略,提升中国国际金融权力的最稳妥金融方略,应对大国金融博弈和国际金融制裁的最有效手段,推动全球金融治理体系和国际金融秩序有序变革的最可行路径。     

国际协调与博弈并存的“后金融危机时期”

“后金融危机时期”,国际体系进入了调整与变革阶段,世界各国在全球宏观经济政策协调、货币政策导向、国际金融体系改革等方面,既有共同利益的多边或双边合作与协调,也有利益冲突的经济、政治上的摩擦与博弈,这是现实国际关系形态错综复杂的必然反映。与此同时,在“后金融危机时期”国际体系变革的大背景下,随着中国地位的不断提升,     

国际金融危机对中东地区政治经济的影响

由美国次贷危机引发的金融风暴席卷全球，对世界金融、信贷、银行和房地产业等产生巨大冲击，导致世界经济总体衰退。目前国际金融危机虽仅波及中东地区少数与国际金融市场联系紧密的国家，对多数中东国家影响有限，但随着国际金融危机进一步扩散和蔓延，其传导效应将对中东地区政治经济产生现实而深远的影响。     

国际货币体系呼唤全球治理

在2009年4月18日，博鳌亚洲论坛2009年开幕大会上，温家宝总理发表了题为《增强信心、深化合作、实现共赢》的主旨演讲。在演讲中，温总理再次表明了中国对改革国际货币体系的态度，指出“要推进国际金融体系改革，提高新兴市场和发展中国家的代表性和发言权，加强对主要储备货币发行经济体宏观经济政策的监督，     

区块链及超主权数字货币视角下 的国际货币体系改革 ——以E-SDR的创新与尝试为例

布雷顿森林体系的构建使美元逐步在国际货币体系中获得了中心地位,后布雷顿森林体系的形成则使美元进入一个相对无责任的自由之境。美元中心化的国际货币体系具有天然的不稳定性与不可持续性,并导致国际金融体系的系统性风险不断上升。超主权货币构想是解决这一问题较为理想的方案。数字货币的兴起则为实现超主权货币数字化提供了重要契机。超主权数字货币不仅是打破美元霸权的一种重要途径,还是大国未来竞争的重要赛道。当然,作为一种推进全球货币合作的中间路线,超主权数字货币将有助于资源交互的国际平台与信任机制的构建。为此,我们可以基于区块链等技术,构建一套以"数字货币—数字金融账户—数字身份验证"为基本结构的E-SDR超主权数字货币体系,为国际货币体系的改革与全球合作的开展创造新的空间。     

Out with the Old and … In with the Old? A Critical Review of the Financial War on Terrorism on the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant

ABSTRACT

The aim of this article is to critically consider the effectiveness of the “Financial War on Terrorism” on the funding streams of the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL). The article begins by identifying that the origins of the “Financial War on Terrorism” can be found in the international efforts to tackle money laundering. It then moves on to consider if the “Financial War on Terrorism” is able to tackle the funding streams of ISIL. The article concludes that the “Financial War on Terrorism” is no longer fit for the purpose to tackle the funding streams of ISIL.     

The rise of the Global South,the IMF and the future of Law and Development

Following the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis the world has witnessed a re-accommodation of the global financial system. In the particular case of middle-income countries they have disentangled themselves from the conditionality of the IMF and grown into more assertive actors in international forums, proposing new alternative mechanisms to become more financially independent and for the provision of development assistance. This article critically reviews the new reality by assessing the strategies deployed by developing countries to reduce the IMF’s influence, and explores the potential consequences of the rise of middle-income nations for Law and Development.     

Money-laundering in Southeast Asia: liberalism and governmentality at work

This article discusses the diffusion of a regulatory system against money-laundering in Southeast Asia. To this end, the article reconstructs how the Financial Action Task Force has securitised the issue of money-laundering into a global problem requiring a global solution and how this has spread to developing nations. The article seeks to demonstrate how these international norms and practices spread and are transformed into national law within Southeast Asia. The article further shows that these transformations reflect an increasing level of multilateral cooperation within the region and that this phenomena can be better understood as the articulation of a global expression of governmentality where a set of strategies and policing techniques emerges to effect control.     

Going to the Source: Why Al Qaeda's Financial Network Is Likely to Withstand the Current War on Terrorist Financing

On 24 September 2001, President Bush announced the first stage of the War on Terrorism with an attack against the terrorist financial infrastructure. Since then, the impact of this attack on Al Qaeda's ability to operate has been minimal, for three reasons. First, Al Qaeda has built a strong network of financiers and operatives who are both frugally minded and business savvy. As a result, terrorist finances are often hidden in legitimate and illegitimate businesses and disguised as commodities and cash. Second, Al Qaeda has learned to effectively leverage the global financial system of capital markets. Small financial transfers, underregulated Islamic banking networks and informal transfer systems throughout the world make it almost impossible to stop Al Qaeda from moving money. Third, Al Qaeda has built a significant base of Islamic charities in Saudi Arabia with international divisions that have not been scrutinized or controlled by the regime. As a result, Al Qaeda's sophisticated financial network may be able to sustain international efforts to disrupt it. Financial regulations imposed to reduce terrorist financing must be applied more broadly and be supported by significant resources. An improvement in the war on terrorist financing requires better international coordination, more effective use of financial regulations, and regulating the Saudi Arabian charity structure.‐     

金融危机与美国霸权战略的调整

经济是政治的基础，金融是霸权的基础。金融危机削弱了美国综合实力，使美国霸权战略不得不进行一系列调整：在经济领域，实施经济优先的战略方针，推动霸权战略的“国内化”转向，夯实美国在世界政治经济中的霸主基础；在国际政治领域，加速推进“转型外交”进程，倡导多边主义和国际协作；在军事领域，采取相对收缩的军事战略，适时调整海外军事布局，全力应对国际金融危机。     

Patents and pills,power and procedure: The North-South politics of public health in the WTO

Developing countries have limited control over the distributional and substantive dimensions of international institutions, but they retain an important stake in a rule-based international order that can reduce uncertainty and stabilize expectations. Because international institutions can provide small states with a potential mechanism to bind more powerful states to mutually recognized rules, developing countries may seek to strengthen the procedural dimensions of multilateral institutions. Clear and strong multilateral rules cannot substitute for weakness, but they can help ameliorate some of the vulnerability that is a product of developing countries’ position in the international system. This article uses the contemporary international politics of intellectual property rights (IPRs) as a lens to examine North-South conflicts over international economic governance and the possibilities of institutional reform. Lacking the power to revise the substance of the World Trade Organization’s Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), developing countries, allied with a network of international public health activists, subsequently designed strategies to operate within the constraining international political reality they faced. They sought to clarify the rules of international patent law, to affirm the rights established during the TRIPS negotiations, and to minimize vulnerability to opportunism by powerful states. In doing so the developing countries reinforced global governance in IPRs. Ken Shadlen is lecturer in development studies at the London School of Economics. He is the author ofDemocratization without Representation: The Politics of Small Industry in Mexico (Penn State University Press, 2004). His work on the politics of intellectual property has appeared inWorld Economy, and is forthcoming inInternational Studies Quarterly, Journal of International Development, andReview of International Political Economy. In preparing this paper I have benefited from discussions of the material with a number of people, including Tom Callaghy, Meghnad Desai, Tim Dyson, Christopher Garrison, Marcus Kurtz, Susan Martin, Christopher May, Monique Mrazek, Andrew Schrank, and Robert Wade. I also wish to thank the journal’s reviewers for their helpful and constructive comments. Financial support was provided by STICERD, LSE.     

Promoting Democracy and Promoting Authoritarianism: Comparing the Cases of Belarus and Slovakia

Although scholars have made great progress over the last few years studying the international dimension of democratisation, questions remain about this complex relationship, especially about the understudied area of external promotion of authoritarianism. This article seeks to develop more refined understanding of specific mechanisms linking one type of external involvement, financial assistance, to regime change. Financial assistance can increase the capabilities of either pro-democratic or pro-authoritarian elites and therefore contribute to regime change. These mechanisms are examined by looking at democracy assistance in Slovakia and Belarus and Russia's support for authoritarianism in Belarus.     

Recent trends in the evolution of Mexican financial groups

The collapse of the peso in late 1994 shocked the world financial community and severely tarnished Mexico's image as a “model” developing country. This event, however, would not have been so surprising if, in the post-NAFTA euphoria, greater attention had been given to substantive deficiencies in Mexico's commercial environment which contradicted the form of its modernization programs. An example of this phenomenon may be found in the 1990 promulgation of the Law to Regulate Financial Groups . The official purpose of the law was to foment the formation of large conglomerations of financial services firms, similar to the universal banks found in Germany, which could offer a variety of financial services under a common trademark and take advantage of economies of scale. The government hailed the law as a step toward enhancing the international competitiveness of Mexico's financial system. However, in substance, the law resembles two laws passed in the 1970s which preceded the 1980s financial crisis. Given this contradictory perspective, this paper examines the history and legal basis of Mexican financial groups as well as the evolution of financial groups from 1991 through 1994.     

The G20's role in legitimating global capitalism: beyond crisis diplomacy?

The rising profile of the G20 in the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis has led to various forms of concern about the legitimacy of this forum. While debates about the legitimacy of the G20 are important and ongoing, they overlook the important observation that the G20 is also attempting to perform a key role in legitimating global capitalism. This role of legitimating global capitalism emphasises the importance of the G20 to act, and be seen to act, to normalise global capitalism, to strengthen global economic governance, and also facilitate a political consensus with regard to key policy issues. This essay critically examines the role that the G20 plays in legitimating global capitalism and contends that the G20 is not just a technical forum of international policy-making but also a political forum for creating and performing visible responses to problems which are seen to be socially responsive.     

Terrorism and international political analysis∗

Abstract

The international spread of terrorism requires more careful study of its ability to influence the international order. Therefore, it is first of all necessary to distinguish the purposes for which terrorism is set up on the international level, also exactly assessing its actual transnational links. In this way, it will be possible to proceed toward a comparative analysis of terrorism in different regions of the international system. The purpose of such an analysis is to evaluate the influence that terrorism has, from the methodological standpoint, on the studies of the international system and, from the substantial standpoint, on the actual ability of terrorism to weaken that very system. Clarifying the implications of these aspects, the conclusion will be a reflection on the causal relationship that links terrorism and the international system; the former is a consequence of the nature of the latter, caused by the immobility of the international system, and hence by the blocked situation that faces anyone who wants to modify the international order.