建构主义视野中的共进国际法与和谐世界

与理性主义国际关系理论相比,建构主义更重视国际法的地位与作用。它为国际法理论与实践的发展创造了更大的空间,为国际法学研究提供了新的路径。后冷战时期的国际法仍然具有＂共处＂性与＂合作＂性,但其主要特征是向＂共进＂发展。共进国际法对维护世界和平、实现人类共同繁荣以及构建和谐的国际法治社会具有基础和保障作用。     

《国际展望》征稿启事

经新闻出版总署批准,《国际展望》已转刊为国际关系类中英文学术双月刊。转刊后的《国际展望》由上海国际问题研究院主办、上海市国际关系学会协办。刊物宗旨为:阐述和平发展理念,诠释中国对外政策,推动构建和谐世界,分析国际局势变化,介绍最新国际关系理论,促进国际关系学科发展。为     

《国际展望》征稿启事

经新闻出版总署批准,《国际展望》已转刊为国际关系类中英文学术双月刊。转刊后的《国际展望》由上海国际问题研究院主办、上海市国际关系学会协办。刊物宗旨为:阐述和平发展理念,诠释中国对外政策,推动构建和谐世界,分析国际局势变化,介绍最新国际关系理论,促进国际关系学科发展。为     

《国际展望》征稿启事

<正>经新闻出版总署批准,《国际展望》已转刊为国际关系类中英文学术双月刊。转刊后的《国际展望》由上海国际问题研究院主办、上海市国际关系学会协办。刊物宗旨为:阐述和平发展理念,诠释中国对外政策,推动构建和谐世界,分析国际局势变化,介绍最新国际关系理论,促进国际关系学科发展。为     

《国际展望》征稿启事

《国际展望》是由上海国际问题研究院主办、上海市国际关系学会协办,国内外公开发行的国际关系类学术双月刊。该刊自转刊以来,受到了国内外国际关系学界的关注和厚爱。为不断提高刊物的质量和水平,更好地阐述中国和平发展理念,诠释中国对外政策,推动构建和谐世界,分析国际局势变化,介绍最新国际关系理论,促进国际关系学科发展,《国际展望》编辑部今特向国内外     

《国际展望》征稿启事

《国际展望》是由上海国际问题研究院主办、上海市国际关系学会协办,国内外公开发行的国际关系类学术双月刊。该刊自转刊以来,受到了国内外国际关系学界的关注和厚爱。为不断提高刊物的质量和水平,更好地阐述中国和平发展理念,诠释中国对外政策,推动构建和谐世界,分析国际局势变化,介绍最新国际关系理论,促进国际关系学科发展,《国际展望》编辑部今特向国内外从事国际关系学研究的专家学者公开征稿。     

《国际展望》征稿启事

《国际展望》是由上海国际问题研究院主办、上海市国际关系学会协办,国内外公开发行的国际关系类学术双月刊。该刊自转刊以来,受到了国内外国际关系学界的关注和厚爱。为不断提高刊物的质量和水平,更好地阐述中国和平发展理念,诠释中国对外政策,推动构建和谐世界,分析国际局势变化,介绍最新国际关系理论,促进国际关系学科发展,《国际展望》编辑部今特向国内外从事国际关系学研究的专家学者公开征稿。     

《国际展望》征稿启事

《国际展望》是由上海国际问题研究院主办、上海市国际关系学会协办，国内外公开发行的国际关系类学术双月刊。该刊自转刊以来，受到了国内外国际关系学界的关注和厚爱。为不断提高刊物的质量和水平，更好地阐述中国和平发展理念，诠释中国对外政策，推动构建和谐世界，分析国际局势变化，介绍最新国际关系理论，促进国际关系学科发展，《国际展望》编辑部今特向国内外从事国际关系学研究的专家学者公开征稿。     

《国际展望》征稿启事

《国际展望》是由上海国际问题研究院主办、上海市国际关系学会协办，国内外公开发行的国际关系类学术双月刊。该刊自转刊以来，受到了国内外国际关系学界的关注和厚爱。为不断提高刊物的质量和水平，更好地阐述中国和平发展理念，诠释中国对外政策，推动构建和谐世界，分析国际局势变化，介绍最新国际关系理论，促进国际关系学科发展，《国际展望》编辑部今特向国内外从事国际关系学研究的专家学者公开征稿。     

《国际展望》征稿启事

《国际展望》是由上海国际问题研究院主办、上海市国际关系学会协办，国内外公开发行的国际关系类学术双月刊。该刊自转刊以来，受到了国内外国际关系学界的关注和厚爱。为不断提高刊物的质量和水平，更好地阐述中国和平发展理念，诠释中国对外政策，推动构建和谐世界，分析国际局势变化，介绍最新国际关系理论，促进国际关系学科发展，《国际展望》编辑部今特向国内外从事国际关系学研究的专家学者公开征稿。     

Civilization and international society: the case of European Union expansion

Joining a society of some kind requires the fulfillment of certain standards. In international society, states acknowledge the need for certain collective standards of international conduct if international order is to be maintained. The first truly global application of international norms took place during the nineteenth century through the process of the expansion of the European society of states and its gradual transformation to the contemporary global international society. In this process, the standard of ‘civilization’ played an essential role in determining which states would join the expanding European society and which ones would not. Despite the major changes that have occurred, the standard of ‘civilization’ has remained an international practice as well as a benchmark against which the attitudes and policies of states are assessed. Nowhere can this be seen more clearly than in the EU policy of ‘membership conditionality’. Although many explanations for EU expansion have been put forward rather absent from debate has been the civilization dimension which is embedded in membership conditionality and which should be given more emphasis.     

International comparisons of income levels and growth rates

Development literature contains the hypothesis that middle income countries grow faster than other countries. This proposition has been related to a second hypothesis of stages and rates of growth, as well as to an ‘automatic mechanism’ for the reduction of international income disparities. This article examines the relevant evidence and finds the propositions unsupported by either theory or empirical data.     

Dangerised youth: the politics of security and development in Timor-Leste

International organisations, the national government and civil society alike have identified youth as a potential threat to the stability of the young state of Timor-Leste over the last decade. In this article, I ask how these actors define the danger of youth and what reasons they identify for the potential threat of young citizens for the society and state. Guided by a theoretical framework of Critical Security and Development Studies, I argue that while political manipulation as reason for youth violence was a prominent part of the security discourse in the years after the crisis in 2006, the discourse on the danger of youth in very recent international and national documents has been depoliticised. Despite decreasing numbers of youth-related violence, the threat construction has not vanished; rather, the language on youth has been adapted to the existing international discourse on violent youth as a threat to successful development. In this way, international and national actors have sustained the image of a society in need of management.     

Post-Arab Spring: changes and challenges

This paper advances the proposition that post-Arab Spring politics are a product of globalisation’s economic and social liberalisation. The global market and privatisation have fundamentally deconstructed centralised autocratic rule over state and society, while facilitating corruption and selective development, culminating in public outrage. The political order of the Middle East and North Africa since the Arab Spring synthesises globalisation’s dialectic duality, in which economic integration has contributed to the demise of national authoritarianism, inciting communalism and political fragmentation. This paper analyses emerging political trends and challenges based on a comparative analysis of Egypt and Tunisia.     

中国气候外交议题策略探析

在国际气候谈判中，中国的外交话语杈偏弱，特别反映在哥本哈根和坎昆气候大会上，中国总是受到西方的指责，并承受了巨大的国际减排责任压力。要想提升中国当前的气候外交话语权，应在议题策略上有所突破，最关键的是要提出国际气候治理的中国方案。中国方案的核心是为发展中国家争取经济转型的“缓冲期”策略，并在“公平承担份额”的原则指导下，制定“可实现、可完成”的“中度限额”减排方案。在此基础上，中国在气候谈判中还应更多地使用议题联系战略，迫使发达国家妥协，以更有效地维护国家利益。     

世界形势大调整大变革中的中国外交

国际社会正面临自1648年威斯特伐里亚体系出现以来最复杂的大变化大调整,它表现在国际政治格局、国际经济格局、新的外交形式的出现、全球性话题的突出和中国地位与作用的提升等方面。为适应这种变化,中国外交也在进行深刻的调整,对中国与国际社会的关系、中美关系、中国与发展中国家的关系等进行深入的思考和政策的调整。     

The road not taken: international aid's choice of Copenhagen over Beijing

A decade after the United Nations conferences on gender equality and social development, this paper explores their policy origins and discusses their differential impact on international aid since 1995. The author draws on her direct experience to consider why Copenhagen led to Poverty Reduction Strategies and the first Millennium Development Goal, whereas Beijing has become largely invisible in the mainstream world of aid. She argues that the powerful influence of economic rational choice theory associated with bureaucratic modes of thought has meant that the central debate in development policy has remained that of growth versus equity. Beijing's agenda of societal transformation offered another paradigm of development that has remained marginal. The paper concludes with a proposal. If international aid policy could handle more than one paradigm and thus be more open to different ways of thinking about economy, society and politics, aid agencies would be better able to support transformative processes for social justice.     

Civil society and democracy in the third world: Ambiguities and historical possibilities

The terminology of “civil society” has gained currency in recent discussions of democratic movements around the globe. Although less grandiose in its implications than claims about the “end of history,” this terminology does suggest a certain universality in human experience. We argue that this claim of universality is warranted, but also problematic. We establish the relevance of our argument in reference to the literatures in African and Indian studies. We note first that the common employments of the concept ignore the theoretical and historical specificity of civil society: civil society is used to label any group or movement opposed to the state, regardless of its intent or character, or used so generically that it is indistinguishable from the term “society.” Instead, we argue that civil society is a sphere of social life, involving a stabilization of a system of rights, constituting human beings as individuals, both as citizens in relation to the state and as legal persons in the economy and the sphere of private association. Thus, we link the wide resonance of the concept to its embeddedness in the logic of liberal capitalist society and the capitalist global division of labor. This conception allows us to see that, although the emergence of a sphere of civil society involves at least minimal democranization and is supportive of struggles for further democratization, the status of democracy is also made quite problematic by the tensions endemic to liberal capitalism and the processes of uneven development within international capitalism. Our usage also allows us to distinguish more clearly movements dedicated to the construction of civil society from those that may count actually as counter-civil society movements. David L. Blaney received his M.A. and Ph.D. at the Graduate School of International Studies, University of Denver. He is on leave from Hanover College, Hanover, Indiana as a visiting scholar for the 1993–94 academic year at The Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, Washington, D.C. 20052. His main research interests include international political economy, culture and international relations theory, and democratic theory. Mustapha Kamal Pasha received his M.A. and Ph.D. at the Graduate School of International Studies, University of Denver. Currently, he is an assistant professor in the School of International Service, American University, Washington, D.C. 20016. His main research interests include international political economy, with particular regard to the Third World, and South Asian politics.     

"Global Civil Society" and the Political Depoliticization of Global Governance

Activists, officials, and academics alike have often linked observations about an emerging global civil society to an incipient democratization of world politics. Global civil society is assumed to bring public scrutiny and "bottom-up" politics to international decision making "from outside" formal political institutions. Based on an analysis of uses of the concept of global civil society in 1990s global governance discourse (especially related to the major UN world conferences), this paper argues that the presumed democratization of world politics is better understood in terms of a double movement: on the one hand, "global civil society" depoliticizes global governance through the promotion of "human security" and "social development"; on the other hand, the emerging international public sphere (in the UN context) operates as a subsystem of world politics rather than opposing the system from outside. Practices of depoliticization are thus part of the political logic of (neo-)liberal global governance. The argument draws on Luhmann's systems theory and Foucault's analysis of governmentality.     

The family state: a non-realist approach to understanding Indonesia’s foreign policy

ABSTRACT

The existing literature on Indonesia’s foreign policy has excluded the state from the category of an agent which shapes the country’s external affairs. This trend certainly ignores the notion that foreign policy is a unique state activity taking place in the interface between domestic and international politics. To fill the gap, this article explores the idea about the family state and looks at its influence on the conduct of Indonesia’s international relations. The argument is that the family state pursues order in international society in which sovereignty can be maintained. Indonesia plays the role of an order-maker in Southeast Asia through the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). The order-oriented actions are displayed by Jakarta’s diplomacy to resolve border disputes with neighbouring countries in the region.