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1.
1991年1月,波罗的海地区矛盾激化,先后发生了维尔纽斯事件和里加事件,三国独立运动开始升级。在当时的国际背景和美苏关系的大框架下,美苏两国政府围绕波罗的海问题进行了一系列交涉。八一九事件后,三国先后宣布独立。美国最终先于苏联政府承认了三国的独立。苏联解体的第一步开始迈出。  相似文献   

2.
当前苏联政治经济形势严重恶化,出现了全面的社会危机,国家处于危急状态。造成这一局面的原因主要是:对改革的艰巨性和长期性认识不足;经济改革的战略有失误之处;政治改革失去控制;对民族问题的严重性估计不足。苏联面临一系列难题,其中最关键的是经济危机和联盟解体。戈尔巴乔夫力图用向市场过渡的办法摆脱经济危机,用缔结新联盟条约的办法避免联盟解体。看来,这些办法难以奏效。不排除苏联国内局势在好转之前进一步恶化的可能。  相似文献   

3.
在导致苏联剧变的诸多因素中,戈尔巴乔夫的东欧政策的负面影响不可忽视。戈尔巴乔夫对东欧政策的核心是不干涉原则,但在其外交实践中,实行的是双重标准。对支持苏联改革的东欧国家,戈尔巴乔夫一般是采取不干涉政策,鼓励这些国家及其共产党的改革;如果有东欧国家对戈尔巴乔夫的改革提出异议,或表示自己的国家和共产党不能照搬戈尔巴乔夫的改革方针,戈尔巴乔夫则直接支持这类国家的反对派。戈尔巴乔夫的这种态度对苏共的反对派无疑是一种鼓励,客观上加速了苏联剧变的进程。  相似文献   

4.
苏联共产党与苏联知识分子   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
苏联知识分子问题,是苏联社会主义建设中一个带有特殊性的重大问题.苏联知识分子对苏共的向背,实际上决定了苏联社会主义的成败.苏联知识分子曾经与工人阶级、农民阶级一起创造了建设社会主义的辉煌业绩,取得了卫国战争的伟大胜利,在科学、文学和艺术创造中也取得了光辉成就.然而,与此同时,苏联知识分子也曾经在多次的政治运动中遭到压制和批判,知识分子的作用和地位始终没有得到苏共领导应有的重视,在严密的行政领导和组织控制下,知识分子的作用始终没有得到充分的发挥.到戈尔巴乔夫时期,由于改革方针的错误,政治局势发生动荡,知识分子终于站到了苏共的对立面,抛弃了苏共,抛弃了苏联式的社会主义.本文从理论和实践相结合上论述了苏共最终被苏联知识分子抛弃的原因和教训.  相似文献   

5.
通过考察戈尔巴乔夫“人民自治论”北后是苏联国家与社会关系对立对抗的逻辑,揭示出戈尔巴乔夫的民主观实质是自由民主的思想,由于戈尔巴乔夫是苏联政治改革的“导演”,他的自由民主观容易转化成政治实践,在此基础上,分析了戈尔巴乔夫的“一切权力归苏维埃”的社会民主化是如何使苏联政治走向终结的。  相似文献   

6.
1991年12月25日,苏联总统戈尔巴乔夫宣布辞职,权力移交给俄罗斯联邦总统,苏联解体。在那样的条件下盖达尔实施的“休克疗法”改革没有获得成功,有深刻的历史背景,应辩证地看待俄罗斯改革,改革绩效的评判标准也不能一概而论。  相似文献   

7.
戈尔巴乔夫时期的研究具有特殊性和复杂性,在对于年代尚近的历史时期的研究中存在着许多非客观因素。戈尔巴乔夫时期以令人欢欣鼓舞的改革新思维开始,以改革的破坏性结果而告终:苏联国家解体,苏联共产党和苏联共产主义体制崩溃。对于戈尔巴乔夫其人、其改革及其整个历史时期的评价众说纷纭、褒贬不一,甚至极端对立。总体上讲,这一时期的研究,资料方面极为丰富,研究深度稍显不足。本文试图通过对各类不同观点的概括,尽量客观地叙述戈尔巴乔夫时期的研究状况。  相似文献   

8.
在从议行合一政体向三权分立政体的转变中,原有政权形式开始逐步瓦解直至崩溃是政治转轨的启动阶段。旧的政治体制的历史局限性是政治转轨的根本历史因素,对于俄罗斯的政治转轨而言,苏联政治体制的历史局限性及其弊端是俄罗斯政治转轨的根本历史因素;戈尔巴乔夫执政以后的改革则是政治转轨的直接历史因素。在戈尔巴乔夫政治改革过程中,苏维埃制度逐步瓦解,这标志着俄罗斯政治转轨开始启动。研究俄罗斯政治转轨的历史因素,核心就是探讨苏联政治体制的基本问题,特别是戈尔巴乔夫执政以后的苏联政治体制改革对俄罗斯政治转轨的影响。  相似文献   

9.
40余年的苏联经济改革历程中,戈尔巴乔夫的改革最为引人注目。他的“加速战略”未能改善企业的生产效率,进而原苏联短缺性生产危机反而愈演愈烈。这是戈尔巴乔夫经济改革失败的机理。  相似文献   

10.
1986年3月,联邦德国科隆东方学和国际问题研究所所长海因里希·福格尔博士应现代国际关系研究所邀请,前来进行学术访问,并就苏联经济问题发表了看法。在谈到苏联的经济改革问题时,福格尔博士说,苏联经济改革面临的困难是可想而知的。如何处理中央计划与地方计划之间、中央集权与地方分权之间的矛盾,如何处理经济中的技术革新及与西方贸易等问题,都不是轻易能解决的。如果苏联的第十二个五年计划能顺利完成的话,反对改革的人就会提出,不搞改革也照样能行。那么,改革的紧迫感就会丧失。改革的关键不在于设备更新,而在于人们有追求革新的思想,改革意味着要众多的苏联企业领导人承担风险。此外,改革要改变原来的生活节奏,打乱平静的生活。苏联目前还没有一个大规模进行经济改革的可行方案。戈尔巴乔夫要把第十二  相似文献   

11.
越南的金融改革在银行规模和效率、证券市场和保险市场的广度方面取得了较大的成效。但是越南的金融改革仍然未摆脱金融抑制,其原因是越南没有建立以产权制度、法律制度为核心的良好的制度体系。鉴于此,金融危机之后,越南应继续在渐进的改革路径下加强产权保护,加快立法进程和提高法律的执行效力,提高政府效率,以此推动金融改革。  相似文献   

12.
In Latin America judicial reform is crucial to both economic liberalization and democratization including the advancement of the rule of law and human rights agendas. The World Bank, the Inter‐American Development Bank, the United States Agency for International Development and other donors have responded with international legal technical assistance to a variety of projects, in pursuit of a number of different objectives. But for the most part governance improvements and economic concerns have been uppermost, reflecting the prominent position of the World Bank. The situation has both advantages and disadvantages. The future of judicial reform in the region will depend on the capacity to build a political consensus on the way forward, not just among donors but within the societies themselves.  相似文献   

13.
The debate over workplace codes of conduct has created tensions between trade unions and human rights NGOs. These tensions result from the inherent structural differences between interest‐driven trade unions and ideals‐driven human rights NGOs. The differences play themselves out in how these actors pursue social justice in a globalised economy. Human rights NGOs tend to see codes of conduct as a method to prevent violations, akin to their traditional work on legal reform and human rights monitoring. Trade unions assess codes for their potential to help empower workers, especially to help ensure freedom of association, which will lead to the realisation of participatory rights. In our understanding of human rights as a means of empowerment for vulnerable groups, we argue that the trade union perspective on human rights is a good long‐term approach. Short‐term successes, such as improving working conditions through outside patronage, seem useful only to the extent they serve this long‐term goal.  相似文献   

14.
This article reveals a viewpoint that emphasizes some dilemmas among Indian feminist practice, women's sexuality in legal terms, and case law in India. The Indian Women's Movement (IWM) was successful in 1983 in adding a legal amendment on rape and child abuse. The case that mobilized women to change the law occurred in 1980 when a court acquitted two policemen who were charged with raping and molesting a 16-year-old tribal girl. The Bombay High Court overturned the judgement and convicted both policemen. The case was appealed, and the policemen successfully argued that rape did not occur because the girl did not protest and was sexually experienced anyway. In 1980 the Forum Against Rape was formed to mobilize public support and to lobby the State for reform of the law on rape. The campaign focused on custodial rape and political repression, rape as civil rights issue, and rape as a women's issue. There was a distancing between the victim, who occupied a lower caste and class position, and her defenders in the women's groups. The campaign appealed to both the appropriate judgement of the State and the denial that the State was an effective vehicle for change. The campaign did not directly address incest and marital rape or domestic violence within families. The legislature debated the issue of legal change during 1982. The debate revealed deep divisions about sexuality and women's status. It was argued that chaste women were not rape victims, and unchaste women were of a socially inferior caste and class. It was argued that there should be a ban on child marriage rather than spousal rape laws. Child rape is a legal issue only when the perpetrator is outside the family. Rape was discussed as an act of lust and not violence. In 1992, a woman promoting an end to child marriage was raped and the men were acquitted. It was argued that the law was out-of-date and in need of revision.  相似文献   

15.
United States Human Rights Policy and Foreign Assistance   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This study furthers the inquiry into the relationship between human rights and U.S. bilateral foreign aid. We build the most comprehensive data set to date, extending the time period (1976–1995) and enlarging the number of countries under review (140). Rhetoric aside, human rights considerations did play a role in determining whether or not a state received military aid during the Reagan and Bush administrations, but not for the Carter or Clinton administration. With the exception of the Clinton administration, human rights was a determinant factor in the decision to grant economic aid, albeit of secondary importance. To the question "Does a state's human rights record affect the amount of U.S. bilateral aid it receives?" we answer yes for economic aid, but no for military aid. Human rights considerations are neither the only nor the primary consideration in aid allocation.  相似文献   

16.
影子经济的产生有历史原因和改革原因。历史原因就是公民与国家对立、国家对产权保护能力削弱、苏联时期国家对经济的过分干预、存在垄断。改革原因主要有对部分产品制定合同价、一次性放开价格、私有化及税赋过高。  相似文献   

17.
许多独联体和中东欧地区国家转型后对农地所有制进行了变革,但并不彻底,还有一定规模的国有农地被保留。相应成立的土地基金等国有农地管理机构,通过出租、出售等经济手段对国有农地进行管理,目的是形成规模合理的农业生产单位,解决农业所有制转型后存在的土地碎片化和生产单位二元结构等问题,提高农业效率,促进农户生产和现代农业发展有机衔接。一些国有农地管理机构还担负着农村公共服务职能。本文的研究表明,通过农地所有权、承包权和经营权“三权分置”,确保租约稳定,完善配套的法律制度和土地交易制度,优化市场环境,对于提高国有农地的使用效率和增强土地利用的可持续性至关重要。  相似文献   

18.
中国和俄罗斯既是邻国又是大国,改革以前国防工业均实行高度集中的计划经济体制,两国在向市场转轨过程中面临着大致相同的问题。由于两国改革的道路和方法迥异,改革的绩效显示出巨大的差别,这种差别在于国家政策的支持作用。俄罗斯采取的是大力推进"私有化"来增强军工企业活力,中国军工企业改革的核心是产权的重组和清晰界定。从中国军工企业改革的逻辑看,它是遵循着一种由浅入深、由表及里和由简单到复杂的路径向前发展。  相似文献   

19.
The paper discusses key elements of optimal central bank design and applies its findings to the Eurosystem. A particular focus is on the size of monetary policy committees, the degree of centralization, and the representation of relative economic size in the voting rights of regional (or sectoral) interests. Broad benchmarks for the optimal design of monetary policy committees are derived, combining relevant theoretical arguments with available empirical evidence. A new indicator compares the mismatch of relative regional economic size and voting rights in the monetary policy committees of the US Fed, the pre-1999 German Bundesbank, and the ECB over time. Based on these benchmarks, there seems to be room to improve the organization of the ECB Governing Board and current plans for reform.   相似文献   

20.
韩国企业自金融危机后 ,为适应经营环境的变化 ,正在进行结构调整。企业结构调整包括几个方面 ,即改善所有权结构与支配结构 ,灵活运用社外理事制度 ,扩大小额股东的权力 ,充分发挥机构投资者的作用 ,改善会计监察制度 ,加强对企业的监督。同时 ,今后韩国企业的发展方向是减少信贷经营 ,充实自有资本 ,设立控股公司负责企业总体规划 ,子公司专心从事企业经营 ,从而全面提高企业的经营效率。  相似文献   

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