西方政策网络理论研究的最新进展及其评价

近年来西方政策网络理论研究出现了三个明显趋势:1、理论研究上从新制度主义的视角探讨政策网络为什么产生、为什么改变和为什么能够持续的深层理论问题;2、实践问题上重点探讨了政策网络的管理问题,包括政府间网络的管理问题;3、重视政策网络与政策执行效果关系研究.     

La capacité d'analyse des politiques au gouvernement du Québec : Résultats du sondage auprès de fonctionnaires québécois

Abstract: This research note complements the work of Howlett et al. on the capacity of Canadian governments for public policy‐making. The new public management wave was driven by the notion of a need for improved service delivery to the population. A number of authors, including Metcalfe, pointed out that the government was then neglecting management in favour of “policy advice.” It was fashionable to show interest in policy but not in management. After decades spent seeking greater efficiency, have we gone too far in the other direction? Do governments have the capacity to develop public policy? Have those responsible for developing public policy received the training they require? This research note addresses the Quebec portion of the Canada‐wide survey on the capacity for public policy‐making. It complements the analysis by presenting the results of the survey conducted among public servants in Quebec. We placed particular emphasis on university education and the retraining of the public servants who work on developing and formulating public policy.     

Region‐building: Western Canadian joint cabinet meetings in the 2000s

Abstract: Joint cabinet meetings are increasingly used for inter‐governmental dialogue, at both international and sub‐state levels. Provincial governments in western Canada, in particular, have employed the joint cabinet meeting format, and, between 2003 and 2009, nine such joint cabinet meetings were held. The resulting inter‐provincial collaboration at these meetings produced over thirty inter‐provincial agreements. Using the details of these particular joint cabinet meetings as a case study, this article considers three questions: First, why do governments hold joint cabinet meetings? Second, are joint cabinet meetings effective mechanisms for inter‐governmental policy‐making? And, third, particular to the Canadian context, what are the implications of joint cabinet meetings for federalism and democracy? The author argues that joint cabinet meetings are designed to build relationships and trust between governments and to allow a “whole‐of‐government” approach for inter‐governmental policy‐making. The joint cabinet meeting model appears to facilitate expedient inter‐governmental policy‐making, but the effectiveness of the resulting policies depends on the political will of the participating governments. Furthermore, in the Canadian context, joint cabinet meetings have the potential of reinforcing regionalism and the undemocratic tendencies associated with executive federalism.     

The privatization of housing assistance: Are housing allowances eroding government accountability?

A major change in the low‐income housing sector across nations has been the introduction of housing allowances (or vouchers/benefits) typically used on private rental markets. This change is a fundamental shift from post‐war housing policy when government was a main provider through publicly owned housing. This “privatization” is usually associated with the New Public Management. This article addresses this policy change and discusses the implications for the accountability of governments in Quebec, British Columbia, and Alberta. This article argues that the policy shift from in‐kind to in‐cash has not eroded accountability due to the distinctiveness of housing assistance, compared to other social programs. Actors involved in the housing community continue to challenge governments with regard to consumption subsidies, emphasizing their flaws and imperfections. The argument is empirically probed through a comparative analysis over 50 years, drawing on government archival records and housing advocates’ publications.     

论社会政治因素对刑罚的影响

刑罚是由法律规定的 ,这只是一种表面认识。深入分析 ,在立法之后潜藏着社会政治因素的深刻影响。从社会学角度分析 ,刑罚权是国家政权的派生物 ,刑事政策则直接关乎一国刑罚体系、结构和种类等问题     

The dark side of public participation: Participative processes that legitimize elected officials’ values

The literature on public participation suggests that engaging the public in policy‐making empowers citizens and enhances democracy. Drawing on conditions of “authentic” participation derived from this literature, this critical analysis shows that the public consultation said to have informed Canada's new prostitution laws served to legitimize the governing party's policy orientation. The contribution of this article is twofold: providing an in‐depth, critical account of how a public participation process can endorse elected officials’ values; and identifying factors that may be associated to this outcome. Ultimately, this article shines the spotlight on a force often neglected in the public participation literature: power.     

Federal policy ideas and involvement in Canadian urban transit, 2002‐2017

Although provincial and local governments bear primary responsibility for urban transit projects and operations in Canada, the Government of Canada engages intermittently in this policy field, mainly through research and short‐term funding programs. This article analyzes federal policy concerning urban transit over the period 2002‐2017, with a substantive focus on policy ideas—the cognitive and normative concepts that provide direction for, and shape the perceived legitimacy of, policy choices. Through a thematic content analysis of policy documents, this article explicates the paradigms, programmatic foci, frames and public sentiments that have underpinned federal urban transit policy over this 15‐year period.     

Tribunals and guidelines: Exploring the relationship between fairness and legitimacy in administrative decision‐making

Abstract: The objective of this paper is to address two questions: why do administrative tribunals such as the Immigration Refugee Board resort to developing guidelines, and what are the principles and values which legitimize these initiatives? The role of tribunals in policy‐making and/or policy‐implementing raises important questions. For example, to whom are tribunals accountable for the development and application of guidelines where the functions of a tribunal ‐ especially the adjudicative functions ‐ are intended to be independent of government? The authors seek to understand better the dynamics of tribunals' role in the policy process. They propose a classification of guidelines based on the function they perform in administrative proceedings and provide an analysis of the normative framework underlying guidelines. The authors explore how a legal analysis of guidelines might shed on the theory and practice of public administration. The authors conclude that in the absence of a nuanced understanding of the legal status of guidelines, the relationship between administrative practice and the rule of law remains uncertain and unstable. Sommaire: Cet article cherche à répondre à deux questions: pourquoi les tribunaux administratifs comme la Commission de l'immigration et du statut de réfugié ont‐ils recours à l'élaboration de directives? Et quels sont les principes et les valeurs qui justifient ces initiatives? Le rôle des tribunaux dans l'élaboration et/ou la mise en œuvre des politiques soulève des questions importantes. Par exemple, à qui les tribunaux doivent‐ils rendre compte en ce qui concerne l'élaboration et l'application de directives lorsque les fonctions d'un tribunal ‐ en particulier les fonctions juridictionnelles ‐ sont supposées être indépendantes du gouvernement? Les auteurs cherchent à mieux comprendre la dynamique du rôle des tribunaux dans le processus d'élaboration de politiques. Ils proposent une classification des directives d'après la fonction qu'elles jouent dans les procédures administratives et ils fournissent une analyse du cadre normatif sous‐tendant ces directives. Les auteurs étudient comment une analyse juridique des directives pourrait éclairer la théorie et la pratique de l'administration publique. Ils concluent qu'en l'absence d'une compréhension nuancée du statut légal des directives, la relation entre la pratique administrative et la primauté du droit demeure incertaine et instable.     

A new model for making Aboriginal policy? Evaluating the Kelowna Accord and the promise of multilevel governance in Canada

Government policy‐making affecting Indigenous communities in Canada has often been met with stiff resistance from Indigenous leadership. We examine multilevel governance as an alternate model for Aboriginal policy‐making by examining a particular case study: the process leading up to the 2005 Kelowna Accord. We find that although multilevel governance may have the potential to produce highly desirable outcomes, its emergence seems to depend heavily on political agency. Meaningful and enduring change to Aboriginal policy‐making will therefore likely require significant institutional adjustments to the Canadian federation.     

教育财政支出占GDP4％目标的实现与选择性政策执行——基于江西省县域面板数据的分析

现有的政策执行机制和地方财力是否能够确保1993年就已提出的“国家财政性教育投入占GDP4％”目标在2012年得到实现？江西省1997--2006年教育支出比重的变化显示,地方自有财力的增长并没有相应地提高教育的支出比重。中央的财政政策偏好对地方的财政支出结构有非常重要的影响。中国政策过程中的政治集权和干部管理上的组织控制,使得中央政府可以有效地影响地方政府的支出偏好,如果将教育投入比重达到GDP4％列为地方官员的政绩进行考核,并加大对欠发达地区教育的转移支付力度,就可以从改变官员的支出偏好和提供财力支持上保证这一目标的实现。     

Awareness and use of systematic literature reviews and meta‐analyses by ministerial policy analysts

Systematic literature reviews and meta‐analyses have been promoted as important types of evidence to inform policy analysis and policy decisions. Little is known, however, about ministerial policy analysts' knowledge of this type of evidence. Drawing from a survey conducted among policy analysts (Québec), we report on the extent to which these research methods and contributions are known and used across policy sectors, and develop a socio‐professional profile of users. We conclude with recommendations for researchers and policy makers to improve the uptake of systematic reviews and meta‐analyses and to more effectively implement evidence‐informed practices.     

严打利弊之议

严打政策是在社会转型犯罪剧增的特定历史条件下实施的 ,具有一定的现实合理性 ,但其本身具有的局限性和运动式运作方式 ,确实存在消极的一面。在更加强调法治的今天 ,我们应当将严打纳入法治的轨道 ,对严打政策进行适当的调整。     

Explaining the resurgence of Métis rights: Making the most of “windows of opportunity”

Characterized as “Canada's forgotten people” since their defeat in the 1885 Battle of Batoche, the Métis have recently re‐emerged on Canada's policy agenda. How did the Métis, once vilified as traitors of Confederation, come to re‐position themselves as a rights‐bearing Aboriginal group in the Canadian federation? In this article, we apply John Kingdon's (1995) multiple streams model to help explain the resurgence of Métis rights on Canada's contemporary policy agenda. We argue that the changing legal and political landscape that surrounded Canada's crisis of unity provided a window of opportunity that allowed Métis policy entrepreneurs to bring the issue of Métis rights onto Canada's policy agenda.     

Invisible populations: LGBTQ people and federal health policy in Canada

This article reviews the state of federal health policy discourse toward the LGBTQ population in Canada. Despite the advent of greater attention to diversity and gender mainstreaming in federal public policy and the shift to legalized rights protections for LGBTQ people, symbolized by policies such as same‐sex marriage, LGBTQ health concerns continue to be marginalized in federal health policy. Based on a systematic review of federal policy documents and websites as well as a small number of interviews with federal policy‐makers, the research demonstrates the extent to which LGBTQ health concerns are rendered invisible in federal health policy. The article suggests several ways in which a commitment to gender‐based policy analysis could be expanded to take account of diverse health needs of LGBTQ Canadians.     

Multilevel policy from the municipal perspective: A pan‐Canadian survey

Building on in‐depth case studies and extensive theory‐building by Canadian multilevel governance scholars, this article identifies and describes multilevel policy involvement by federal, provincial, municipal, private, and NGO actors in three policy phases and eighteen policy domains that specifically involve local governments in Canada. Drawing from an original pan‐Canadian survey of municipal mayors and councillors, we show that municipal politicians see multilevel policy involvement as remarkably prevalent across many policy domains. Using an original measure of multilevel policy involvement, we identify the policy domains in which policy involvement is most concentrated or fragmented and then describe the correlates of this measure. Multilevel policy involvement, we argue, is more clearly associated with policy phase and policy domain than with municipal population or region. We conclude with a discussion of implications for future research.     

Third wave,third sector: A comparative provincial analysis of the governance of third sector relations

Across Canada, provincial governments are engaged in a “third wave” of consultations, policy dialogues, and policy alignment strategies with the third sector. Unexplored to date is how provincial governments internally administer their third sector file. This internal configuration could have important implications for internal adherence to cross‐cutting policy mandates as well as third sector policy implementation and bilateral collaboration agreements. This is a new point of analysis for public administrators and third sector intermediary organizations alike. This comparative analysis of network governance structures in eight provincial governments reveals that some structures are more compatible with policy alignment and implementation than others.     

Local culture and governmental change: The endurance of culture in the face of structural change

Abstract: As part of a larger exploration of local civic culture, this article seeks to answer the following questions: Is there one culture across policy arenas? Is there a unified perspective on civic culture? Do cities with demographic and ethnic diversity have a single culture? Recent research has focused, or perhaps re‐focused, attention on the importance of culture in determining public policy at the local level. These efforts have classified different types of local culture in an attempt to develop an operationally sound and replicable definition of civic culture that can also delineate cities based on their cultural profile. The ultimate goal of such research is to explore how civic cultures affect public policies to not only provide researchers with a theoretical understanding of how communities are governed but also to identify the forces affecting ultimate policy choices. Using a triangulation of methods technique, this research employed a citizen phone survey along with five years of élite interviews in the City of Ottawa, Ontario. The focus on Ottawa provides an understanding of civic culture in light of significant governmental structural change, namely the provincially mandated amalgamation of seven cities, four townships, and the Ottawa‐Carleton Regional Municipality in 2001. Sommaire: Dans le cadre d'une étude plus approfondie de la culture municipale locale, le présent article cherche à répondre aux questions suivantes: Y a‐t‐il une culture propre à toutes les sphères de politiques? Existe‐t‐il une perspective unifiée sur la culture municipale? Est‐ce que les villes qui ont une diversité démographique et ethnique ont une seule et même culture? Des recherches récentes ont porté leur attention ‐ ou peut‐être porté leur attention à nouveau ‐ sur l'importance de la culture pour déterminer la politique publique à l'échelle locale. Ces efforts ont classé différents types de culture locale, afin d'essayer de mettre au point une définition de la culture municípale valable, pouvant être reproduite dans la pratique et qui puisse aussi délimiter les villes d'après leur profil culturel. Le but ultime d'une telle recherche est d'examiner à fond comment les cultures municipales influent sur les politiques publiques. Non seulement elles fournissent aux chercheurs une compré‐hension théorique de la manière dont les communautés sont gouvernées, mais elles permettent d'identifier les forces qui influent sur les choix politiques ultimes. Utilisant une méthode de triangulation, cette recherche a été menée par le biais d'un sondage téléphonique de citoyens ainsi que d'interviews de membres de l'élite dans la ville d'Ottawa, Ontario, sur une période de cinq années. Le fait de se pencher sur Ottawa fournit une compréhension de la culture municipale à la lumière d'importants changements structuraux gouvernementaux, à savoir le regroupement prescrit par la province de sept villes, quatre cantons et la municipalité régionale d'Ottawa‐Carleton en 2001.     

Rethinking policy capacity in Canada: The role of parties and election platforms in government policy‐making

Abstract: There is an ongoing debate in western industrialized democracies about the genesis of government policy capacity. This article examines this under‐explored issue by looking at the election campaign commitments made by political parties. The author reviews the election policy manifestos of the parties that governed in Canada from 1984 to 2008, some of the proposed policy changes advanced during election campaigns, and the actions taken by governing parties to fulfil those commitments. This research demonstrates that parties were relatively unconstrained in advancing detailed election platforms to the electorate and that they were able to fulfil, or partially fulfil, those commitments at fairly significant levels – particularly incumbent governments, who could draw on their governing experience and the policy advice given by the public service. The author contends that governing parties in Canada possess a high degree of policy‐making capacity and that they have the ability both to advance and implement fairly detailed plans for governing. These findings confirm that political parties are an important source of policy‐making capacity and that such capacity is enhanced by public‐service input.     

政策子系统框架和政策改变:政策过程的后实证分析

“后实证主义”对政策过程的分析 ,强调的是政策过程中政策话语的作用。文章讨论政策网络和政策共同体整合思想和利益的方式 ,展示了不同的子系统框架与政策改变过程之间的关系。在一个既定的政策部门里 ,政策子系统的属性揭示出政策子系统回应思想和利益变化的倾向 ,政策子系统的属性表征着政策改变的方式和速度。     

Harmonization through emulation: Canadian federalism and water export policy

Abstract: This article explores the challenges of policy harmonization in a decentralized federal polity through a study of Canadian efforts to develop nationwide water export regulations over the past fifteen years. The Canadian experience in water export policy illustrates three different policy harmonization processes and suggests some of the effects that international free trade agreements have had on economic and environmental regulation in Canada. Prior to the introduction of free trade, the federal government attempted to deal with water exports through the imposition of uniform national standards. After free trade, however, harmonization efforts became more decentralized as federal power over export controls diminished but provincial powers over water‐taking remained untouched. Despite an effort towards harmonization through policy interface standardization in the 1999 Water Accord, successful harmonization did not occur as a result of intergovernmental cooperation. Instead, harmonization was eventually achieved through an extensive process of policy emulation, a phenomenon that has received relatively little attention in the literature on federalism and public policy, to this point. Sommaire: Le présent article examine les défis de I'harmonisation des politiques dans un système fédéral déentralisé, en étudiant les efforts canadiens déployés pour éla‐borer des règlements sur I'exportation de l'eau à I'échelle nationale au cows des quinze derniéres années. L'expérience canadienne dans le domaine de la politique de l'exportation de l'eau illustre trois différents processus d'harmonisation des politiques et préente certains impacts produits par les accords de libre‐échange internationaux sur la délementation économique et environnementale au Canada. Avant I'introduction du libre‐échange, le gouvemement fédéral essayait de traiter l'exportation de I'eau en imposant des normes nationales uniformes. Depuis le libre‐échange, cependant, les efforts d'harmonisation sont devenus plus dCcentralisés, tan‐dis que le pouvoir fédéral sur les contrôles des exportations a diminue et que les pouvoirs provinciaux dans ce domaine sont demeurés inchangés. Malgré un effort réalisé dam le sens de I'harmonisation de l'interface politique avec 1'Accord sur I'eau de 1999, la coopération intergouvemementale n'a pas menéà l'harmonisation. Par contre, on y est parvenu par le biais d'un vaste processus d'émulation politique, phénoméne qui jusqu'à ce jour est passé pratiquement inapercu dans la documentation sur le fédéralisme et la politique publique.