国际关系民主化与世界和平

在本世纪上半叶内,人类遭受了两次世界战争的浩劫。第二次世界大战之后,国际社会维持了四十年之久的世界和平。世界和平之所以能够取代世界战争,这完全不是偶然的。世界和平是国际关系的一种状态。战后以来,国际关系呈现出两种相互对立的趋势:一是不断发展的民主化趋势,一是逐渐衰微的强权政治趋势。两种趋势之间的相互作用和斗争,决定着世界战争与世界和平的命运。争取国际关系民主化的斗争,就是要在国家间和民族间逐步确立民主关系,从而缓和或消除国际关系中的矛盾和冲突,维护世界和平。值此联合国国际和平年之际,对国际关系民主化的发展及其与世界和平的关系进行探讨,无疑是非常有意义的。     

国际关系与国际法的关联性剖析

本文首先从法社会学的视角探讨了国际关系与国际法的互动关系,通过对国际关系史和国际法发展史的回顾加以论证,继而依据国际现实批判了导致二者既存矛盾的因素,最后得出了以广义国际观念和全球治理模式来应对国际社会现实的结论。     

国际法在国际关系理论中的地位

国际法在国际关系中执行三种管理任务:规则制定、规则管理、规则执行, 这三种任务在主流国际关系理论中得到了不同程度的体现。从趋势上看, 达成共识的国家越多, 这三种任务的可完成性就越高。目前, 霍布斯的国际无政府状态模式正在转向格劳秀斯的法律秩序模式, 在此过程中, 国际法起的作用也许比其他任何事物都要大。随着国际关系理论学家们将研究集中于法律规范、机制以及过程对行为者、行为的影响, 国际关系理论中国际法的作用、地位的强化将是一个趋势。     

国际关系失序化与中国的战略思考

2008年国际金融危机以来,国际关系的失序化日趋明显,其原因主要有:以美国为首的西方发达经济体在全球权力结构中的影响力日益下降;美国等西方国家在国际社会中不作为与胡作为;基于权力的扩散,非国家行为体不断介入国际政治;世界各国在全球治理方面规则的缺失;世界主流经济理论过度强调市场的作用.国际关系的失序将是一个长期的过程,它对中国国家利益日益全球化的现实将构成潜在的威胁,但对中国有效塑造国际经贸秩序却是一种机遇.     

国际关系伙伴化及其面临的挑战

世纪之交,世界首次出现两种相互矛盾的新趋势：一是国际关系伙伴化,二是美日双边同盟地区化与北约地区军事集团全球化。这一矛盾的发展,将决定今后１０年大国关系与国际格局的演变方向：是多种力量作为伙伴共建协调合作体系,还是美国单极主宰或美欧日合霸,或是多极鼎...     

全球国际关系学与中国国际关系理论

全球国际关系学倡议批判了国际关系学科\"西方中心论\"的现状,主张建立以多元普遍主义和世界历史文化为基础的国际关系学,鼓励非西方国际关系理论的发展。中国国际关系学者通过借鉴中华历史文化的思想资源,进行了有学理意义的理论建构,取得了重要的进展,并开始在世界上产生学术性影响。本文通过梳理全球国际关系学倡议和中国国际关系理论之间的相互需求和相互呼应以及彼此间的互动,为中国国际关系理论提出了一个可操作性界定,同时也试图回应一些对中国国际关系理论的评价和质疑。     

非洲民主化：外因与内因

影响非洲民主化的因素可以概括为外部和内部两个方面。冷战结束为非洲民主化提供了一个契机,苏联的解体、美国和法国对非洲政策的改变是促使非洲政治改革的外部因素。但与国际环境的改变相比,非洲国家内部人民要求改革的呼声和为此而采取的实际行动则是非洲民主化发展的决定性因素。内外部因素相互作用使有些非洲国家的政治改革走向成功,但有的却没有成功。     

石油与国际关系

石油与国际关系〔俄〕亚·瓦西连科弗·拉祖瓦耶夫一百年来，“石油因素”始终是影响国际关系的一个重要方面。“美国石油公司”、“英荷石油公司”、“英国石油公司”都曾是当时诸多世界政治事件及其复杂化的发起者，并且推动西方主要大国政府制定出极为重要的对外政策。...     

币缘:金融化时代的国际关系

随着信息技术的大规模应用以及经济全球化和金融化的深入发展,当代国际关系的基础正在发生重大变化.这一变化影响了国家利益和国家力量的内涵与形态,改变了国家的行为方式,也改变了当代国际关系.布雷顿森林体系解体后成型的"美元本位制"成为当前全球经济和政治的主导力量,各国围绕美元体系形成的币缘关系,成为国际关系中值得关注的新现象.     

宗教与当代国际关系

从国际关系作为一门学科在西方诞生以来,宗教一直是被西方国际关系理论界所长期忽视、边缘化甚至放逐的研究对象,然而,在当今国际政治和国际关系中,宗教日益成为跨地区和跨国界现象。自冷战结束以来,世界上几乎所有的重大事件或多或少均有宗教的背景和动因,因此不重视宗教就无法理解国际关系。     

Dyadic effects of democratization on international disputes

I explore the dyadic, as opposed to monadic, effect of democratizationon war. Using a simple repeated game of interstate interaction,I show that, as a state shifts towards democracy, its citizensaquire more opportunities and become more willing to removethose leaders that they expect will reduce their welfare. Rationalleaders anticipate this consequence, and their incentives tomaintain cooperative relationships with other democracies increaseas their states become democratic. The hypothesis drawn fromthe model predicts that democratization will have a pacifyingeffect in a dyadic relationship between democracies. Empiricaltesting is designed to isolate the dyadic effect from the monadicand to distinguish among competing hypotheses. The predictionsare tested with widely used data on political institutions andmilitarized interstate disputes. The result shows that democratizationindeed reduces the likelihood of waging war. However, this pacifyingeffect is largely attributed to the dyadic effect with a democraticopponent; the risk of war remains unchanged when facing a non-democraticopponent.     

Gender relations,authoritarianism and democratization in Chile

This article takes Chile as a case study to examine how the women's movement, the non‐governmental sector and the state have worked together to design policies for the prevention of domestic violence, and to transform the culture of authoritarianism which remains an integral part of gender relations within the state and in society. It conceptualizes the linkages between gender relations, authoritarianism and violence, examines how violence against women became a prominent issue during the transition to democracy, and shows that women's organizations have made significant advances in Chile as elsewhere in Latin America, by framing legislation on violence against women within the context of women's human rights. The study indicates that collaboration between the state, women's organizations and the police force can provide a window of opportunity to promote a democratic culture within the state and society.     

The international dimension of democratization: testing the parsimonious approach

This article examines the importance of the international context on regime change. It provides evidence that geographic proximity to the European Union (EU) does not result in the spread of democracy. In contrast, communication and cooperation between EU actors and sub-national regions contributes significantly to the development of democracy in these regions. Considering the role of EU projects, investments and trade in regime transition—measured through indicators of civil society, political openness, freedom of speech and economic liberalization—this article demonstrates that international context may have a positive influence on the diffusion of democracy at a regional, sub-national level. This finding has substantial implications for the literature on international relations and globalization studies. It suggests that the emergence of ‘new’ regions through communication and cooperation takes place through two seemingly contradictory but mutually reinforcing processes: regionalization (territorial disintegration/federalization) and integration (through communication and cooperation).     

The study of international relations in Japan: towards a more international discipline

We deploy Waever’s sociology of science approach in a criticalcomparison of the American and Japanese international relations academies.We argue that there are four great debates in the American academy, andfour traditions of scholarship in the Japanese academy. We describethese debates and traditions in some detail, and identify andexplain points of contact and difference between the two respectiveacademies. We conclude by making a general case for methodologicalpluralism and offer reasons why the Japanese international relationsacademy is keen to sponsor a journal which is, in the wordsof Waever, able to ‘draw on national traditions while keepingup with American developments’.