论反腐文化氛围建设

腐败现象存在于从古至今的世界各国,并成为国家发展的障碍。可见,即使拥有相对先进的腐败监察体制也无法彻底将腐败现象根除。体制的延续往往受一些客观条件的制约。事实证明,反腐的关键在于从根本上铲除社会的腐败思想,而腐败思想的根源恰恰在于人本性的贪婪,这就需要外部的欲望约束机制和自身抵御贪婪的坚强意志共同作用。创造可持续发展的反腐文化氛围是从根本上铲除社会腐败思想行之有效的办法之一。     

腐败会自灭吗?

最近，笔者听到一种“理论”──腐败自灭论。它把腐败现象产生的原因归结于国家经济不发达，人民生活不富裕。说随着经济的发展和社会的进步，人们的收入与需求的矛盾将逐渐缓和化解，贪污、受贿等腐败现象也将逐渐减少直至完全消亡。呜呼，好一个腐败自灭论。腐败真的会自灭吗？且看一些经济发达的资本主义国家，按“腐败自灭论”一说，那里就不会有或很少有贪污、受贿等丑恶现象了。然而日本内阁腐败丑闻迭起，美国、意大利等国的腐败现象也为世人共睹。再说国内那些贪污数十万、数百万乃至上千万的犯罪分子，他们的动机难道仅仅是“化解…     

试论腐败现象的增强效应

腐败现象的存在,在我国已是一个不争的事实。为什么我们党和国家对腐败现象的斗争态度越来越坚决,手段越来越严厉,然而腐败现象却久遏不止,且有不断增强和扩大之势?其中的一个重要原因,是腐败现象在现行的制度和体制下形成了相互依存、相互促进、相互制约的自组织过程,在现实生活中呈现出一种自主性增强和不断强化的发展趋势,即腐败主体数量和腐败报酬(腐败价格)的增强效应,导致了腐败规模的日益扩大。     

一些国家和地区克服腐败现象的经验

腐败现象是人类社会发展过程中的一种副产一品。克服腐败现象,是人类社会在进步过程中的一种斗争手段。历史证明,一个社会、一个国家要发展前进就必须不断地克服腐败,保持廉洁公正。如果一旦措施不力,腐败蔓延,那就必然导致没落衰亡。对我们执政党产生的腐败现象,应该正视现实,既看到共产党产生腐败的因素和克服腐败的有利条件,也要重视其他国家、地区、政党在克服腐败方面的一些措施方法,才是正确态度。现将某些国家和地区在这方面的一些措施大致汇集介绍于下。1、建立有实权的管理机构。香港有廉政公署,新加坡有贪污调查局,瑞典有反贿赂研究所。这些机构能独立行使职权,不受其他机构干扰,而且得到最高当局的无保留支持。香港在1974年廉政公署成立以前,贪污风之盛是世界出名的。那时要想办成一件事,一般都要塞红包,人人都习惯于“台底交易”,从普通办事员直到     

西方国家预防腐败的程序和制度评析

西方国家预防腐败的程序和制度评析黄百炼杨小云腐败是一个历史性、世界性、现实性的问题。腐败现象自人类社会出现剥削现象以来就一直存在，延续至今。至今还没有一个国家已彻底摆脱了腐败的困扰。因而可以说，反腐败的程序和制度建设还是一个国际性的课题，需要世界各国...     

论腐败现象的可能与现实偶然与必然——对“批腐败难免论”的一点意见

在腐败现象严重蔓延,引起人民群众强烈不满的情况下,大讲腐败不可避免,是错误的.但是,如果认为社会主义社会能够完全避免乃至根绝腐败现象,也是不科学、不符合事实的. 应当研究社会主义社会中诱发腐败现象的条件,并积极采取措施,预防和缩小这些条件的作用范围,有针对性地做好抑制腐败现象的工作. 建议将批判"腐败难免论"的提法,改为批判"腐败无害论"和"腐败有利论",使人们在"从严治腐"问题上取得共识.     

亲缘腐败现象的原因剖析及对策研究

由于存在亲属血缘利益关系,许多官员以权为亲谋私,导致亲缘腐败现象频发,现已成为一种典型的腐败模式,严重损害了国家和人民的利益。文章首先介绍了亲缘腐败现象及其存在的主要类型,其次分析了亲缘腐败问题存在的主要原因:领导干部廉洁自律意识薄弱;领导干部亲属问题;监管的边界和标准模糊;约束机制不够细化、条款缺乏操作性。并针对亲缘腐败的实际情况,提出相关对策来避免公权被亲情所绑架,预防和杜绝家族式的亲缘腐败。     

论腐败的成因及其根治对策

论腐败的成因及其根治对策郑文静一、腐败现象的成因目前，人们对于腐败现象的痛恨和在具体行为中对于腐败现象的支持这种情感与行为相背离的状况已在我国普遍存在。这无疑显示出政内清除腐败这项工作的紧迫性和艰巨性。但消除腐败的有效措施必须排除盲目与冲动，其前提是...     

论中西方腐败的制度背景差异与转换

有这样一种颇为流行的观点：腐败是文明社会的共同敌人。腐败不会因社会制度的差异而导致性质上的不同,西方国家的腐败与反腐败理论照样适用于我国。对此,我不敢苛同。应该承认,任何腐败行为对现行社会制度、社会秩序、国家政权都起着破坏、瓦解作用。正因为如此,不论是东方国家,还是西方国家,不论是社会主义国家,还是资本主义国家,都视腐败为政治毒瘤而竭力予以清除。这似乎给人一个感觉：社会主义国家与资本主义国家的腐败现象在性质上没有什么区别。另外,西方国家对付市场经济条件下的腐败历史较我国长,积累了较为丰富的经验,…     

社会转型期腐败治理的国际经验比较与启示

腐败现象伴随着政治社会而产生,并一直困扰着政治社会的发展,世界上没有任何一个国家能够完全杜绝腐败。在当今社会,随着经济全球化的不断推进,腐败已经跨越国界,成为全球性的一大治理难题。人类社会为了反腐败采取了许多措施,但依然任重而道远,特别是处在经济转型和现代化建设关键时期的国家和地区,腐败的危害尤为突出,治理难度也相对较大。     

Does corruption suppress voter turnout?*

This paper investigates to what extent voters’ perceptions of political corruption affect turnout. In previous research, two opposing views are put forward with regards to the relationship between corruption and turnout. On the one hand, corruption increases turnout because voters either are bought off to participate or because they are mobilized on clean government issues. On the other hand, corruption decreases turnout because presence of corruption corrodes the political system which leads to general cynicism, distrust and voter apathy. In this paper, we contribute to the existing research by adopting a multi-level approach to the relationship between corruption and turnout. We test the hypothesis that voters’ perceptions of corruption dampens turnout but that the effect is conditional upon the corruption context. We test our hypothesis by combining individual-level data and country-level data from 26 countries from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and country-level data from the Quality of Government Data Set. The findings show that perceiving corruption negatively affects turnout, but only in countries with low to medium levels of system corruption.     

Corruption in the Eye of the Beholder: Survey Evidence from Mainland China and Hong Kong

ABSTRACT

This article explores how and to what extent people differ in their level of tolerance for corruption and why some people show a stronger propensity to counter corruption actively, while others seem more willing to accept it. We draw on the original data collected from a survey on perceptions of corruption among university students in Hong Kong and Mainland China to answer these questions. The respondents’ perceptions of corruption are measured by how they identify corruption, understand its causes, and interpret the consequences it may bring to society. Our empirical findings show substantial differences in perceptions of corruption across and within the two regions and also reveal a strong association between the way people perceive corruption and their level of tolerance for corruption and propensity to act against it. We see that, other things being equal, different perceptions of corruption lead to different tolerance levels for corruption and influence people's willingness to take part in the fight against corruption. Our findings also suggest that it is important to address the deficit in people's understanding of corruption in order to achieve desired anti-corruption effects.     

集体腐败的情景预防理论分析

因集体腐败引致损失更大、影响更恶劣、作案更隐蔽使其成为了近期反腐工作中的焦点,集体腐败具有集体腐败主体的潜在性特征、集体腐败行为的被动性特征及集体腐败行为被动性转化的特征,聚焦腐败主体本位是目前集体腐败进行类型划分及其成因探源的主要方式,内因驱动是其主要逻辑起点。然而,忽视外因是这一研究路径的主要局限。情景预防理论为认知和防治集体腐败提供了新的理论视角和实践引导。因此,必须在集体腐败特征、类型及其成因分析的基础上,从削减外在引致环境、强化内在防控机制,切断内外关联三方面入手严惩集体腐败。     

Need or Greed? Conditions for Collective Action against Corruption

This article calls into question one of the implicit assumptions linking democratic accountability to reduced corruption, namely, that citizens will expose institutions rife with venality and mobilize for better government. Instead, mobilization may be contingent on the type of corruption. The study develops a distinction between need and greed corruption and suggest that citizens are more likely to engage in the fight against corruption when corruption is needed to gain access to “fair” treatment (need corruption) as opposed to special illicit advantages (greed corruption). Using data from the Global Corruption Barometer 2013, the study suggest that need corruption mobilizes citizens, in particular if they perceive that fellow citizens will also engage, while greed corruption leads to secrecy, demobilization, and a propensity to “free ride” on other citizens’ anticorruption efforts. The study thereby contributes to a better understanding of fundamental conditions for collective action against corruption and explaining why greed corruption persists in societies with well‐established institutions for accountability.     

The impact of public sector accounting reform on corruption: Causal evidence from subnational Indonesia

It is widely believed that the adoption of quality public sector accounting practices can assist in reducing corruption. In theory, accounting reform, especially the shift from cash-to accrual-based methods, leads to the production of much improved financial information, which ultimately can be used by citizens to hold government more accountable and limit corruption. Empirical evidence from cross-country analyses appears to support the theoretical predictions. We investigate the impact of accounting practices on corruption among districts in Indonesia. We use external financial audits to measure the adoption of reforms and the number of corruption case court convictions as our proxy for corruption. We estimate Poisson regression models using instrumental variable techniques to identify the causal effects of adopting accrual-based accounting procedures on corruption. We show that the employment of improved accounting methods is strongly associated with declining corruption. However, after accommodating the endogeneity of accounting practices, we determine that reform adoption has no effect on corruption.     

Corruption: Governance challenge towards reducing unemployment in Nigeria

The study examines the possibility of having a very low rate of unemployment in Nigeria, if there is a reduced rate of corruption in the long-term. While using cointegration regressions and Vector Error Correction Mechanism (VECM) over the period 1996–2020, it is affirmed that corruption could increase unemployment rate in the long run. The two corruption indicators employed (control of corruption and corruption index) are found to have a substantial effect on unemployment rate. Further evidence confirms that corruption and unemployment are cyclically interdependent. Findings indeed stress that a high level of corruption is harmful to employment growth. On the other hand, in the absence of sufficient job opportunities, rent-seeking government officials would be more interested in collecting bribes from job seekers, which results in sustained unlawful practices among the public officials. Thus, adopting effective corruption-control measures is critical. It is therefore suggested that to effectively tackle corruption incidents, there should be incentives for citizens or public officials to report bribery and the process of reporting corruption incidents should be further simplified. Strengthening anti-corruption agencies and developing a sound legal framework that promotes a culture of lawfulness and impeccable practices in the public sector are central.     

The Eroding Effect of Corruption on System Support in Sweden

Sweden is consistently found at the top in international indices of corruption. In recent years, however, several instances of corruption have been exposed, and surveys show that large shares of Swedish citizens harbor perceptions that public corruption is widespread. Drawing on recent surveys, two questions are asked. First, to what extent do Swedish citizens believe that corruption constitutes a serious problem? Second, how do citizens' evaluations of the extent of public corruption affect support for the democratic system? Approaching the issue from a comparative Nordic perspective, the data indicate that Swedes are considerably more prone to believe that politicians and public officials are corrupt than their Nordic counterparts. The analysis also suggests that such perceptions constitute an important determinant of support for the democratic system. Thus, even in a least likely case of corruption, such as Sweden, growing concerns about corruption has a potential to affect democratic legitimacy negatively.     

Portraying the Nature of Corruption Using an Explorative Case Study Design

What is the nature of corruption in Western democracies? To answer this research question, the authors study 10 Dutch corruption cases in depth, looking at confidential criminal files. The cases allow them to sketch a general profile of a corruption case. The authors offer nine propositions to portray the nature of corruption. They conclude that corruption usually takes place within enduring relationships, that the process of becoming corrupt can be characterized as a slippery slope, and that important motives for corruption, aside from material gain, include friendship or love, status, and the desire to impress others. The explorative multiple case study methodology helps to expand our understanding of the way in which officials become corrupt.     

Grappling with the “real politics” of systemic corruption: Theoretical debates versus “real‐world” functions

A growing body of research argues that anticorruption efforts fail because of a flawed theoretical foundation, where collective action theory is said to be a better lens for understanding corruption than the dominant principal–agent theory. We unpack this critique and advance several new arguments. First, the application of collective action theory to the issue of corruption has been, thus far, incomplete. Second, a collective action theory‐based approach to corruption is in fact complementary to a principal–agent approach, rather than contradictory as is claimed. Third, applications of both theories have failed to recognize that corruption persists because it functions to provide solutions to problems. We conclude by arguing that anticorruption effectiveness is difficult to achieve because it requires insights from all three perspectives—principal–agent theory, collective action theory, and corruption as serving functions—which allows us to better understand how to harness the political will needed to fight corruption.     

The economy,corruption, and the vote: Evidence from experiments in Sweden and Moldova

How does corruption affect voting behavior when economic conditions are poor? Using a novel experimental design and two original survey experiments, we offer four important conclusions. First, in a low corruption country (Sweden), voters react negatively to corruption regardless of the state of the economy. Second, in a high corruption country (Moldova), voters react negatively to corruption only when the state of the economy is also poor; when economic conditions are good, corruption is less important. Third, respondents in Sweden react more strongly to corruption stimuli than respondents in Moldova. Finally, in the low corruption country, sociotropic corruption voting (or voting based on corruption among political leaders) is relatively more important, whereas in our high corruption country, pocketbook corruption voting (or voting based on one's own personal experience with corruption, i.e., being asked to pay bribes) is equally prevalent. Our findings are consistent with multiple stable corruption equilibria, as well as with a world where voters are more responsive to corruption signals more common in their environment.