美国对外政策与俄美关系

冷战后特别是“9·11”以来,美国始终谋求巩固由它领导的单极秩序及其超级大国地位,导致许多国家对美作为“世界领袖”的民主性及其管理世界的方法产生了怀疑。目前,俄美之间对共同利益还缺乏一致性的评价,也没有准备好建立平等的战略伙伴关系。其中一个重要原因就是两国对全球化时代的挑战与威胁,以及两国活动中的全球性因素有不同理解。美对外政策使国际关系进一步复杂化,美国应将建立新的国际秩序和确定它在其中的作用尽快提上议事日程。新的国际秩序应该是世界大国重奏“协奏曲”,并使之成为改变当代世界和在各个领域维系平衡的基础。     

美国军工集团与中美关系

美国军工集团在美国政治特别是对华政策制定中具有举足轻重的作用。冷战结束以来 ,在鼓吹“中国威胁”、游说国会武力助台 ,以及向美国政府兜售反扩散“双重标准”等方面 ,都直接影响着美国政府的对华政策。     

自由主义与美国对外政策

近年来,在美国对外政策思想研究中,国内外学界的关注目光偏重于新保守主义,在一定程度上忽视了自由主义思想,从而落后于美国政治和对外政策舆论方面的某些变迁趋向。本文回顾了自由主义的历史,认为自由主义与现实主义、“杰克逊主义”并列为美国外交思想传统的三大主题,至今在美国仍具有广泛的舆论市场,并在其对外政策中起着重要作用。     

Uganda and U.S. Foreign Policy

Washington's relationships with the “leveraged allies” preferred by realists—those countries that have little choice but to follow America's lead—have long been considered more reliable than in its relationships with the “natural allies” favored by idealists: prosperous, democratic nations that share the goals and interests of the United States. President Bush's foreign policy requires these natural allies, but many U.S. government officials are more wary. Uganda under President Museveni is a model “natural ally” candidate, with its relatively humane and democratic internal policies, but its greater capacity to act without American leverage, approval, or supervision is likely to worry realist career diplomats.     

The Anglo-Protestant Basis of U.S. Foreign Policy

U.S. foreign policy thinking is based ultimately on the particular historical experience and cultural legacy of the American founding, and at the very base of that founding is the preeminence of Anglo-Protestantism. The religious heritage of the United States, a sixteenth century blend of a theological reformation and the rise of modernity in the Enlightenment, has endowed American politics with a predisposition for egalitarian, anti-hierarchical, and contractual forms, and that disposition applies as well to foreign affairs. The syntax, but not the content, of Anglo-Protestantism shapes basic attitudes particularly when political elites face crisis situations, but it is institutionalized in government and society at all levels. Six examples from the post-World War II period illustrate the case.     

党派争端与美国对外政策

美国政治制度的核心是两党制.民主、共和两党往往假国家利益之名,从各自狭隘观点出发,肆意歪曲事实,以维护本党派的政治利益,在对华关系问题上,表现尤为明显.两党争斗、相互牵制,制约着美国的对外政策走向.但党派纷争也能使美国公众得以借助政党势力影响外交决策.     

Demographic Changes and U.S. Foreign Policy

The demographic shift in America may well strengthen U.S. foreign policy, as well as military capability and economic competitiveness. In a globalized world, America's ethnic diversity, the innovation that comes from bringing the best and the brightest from around the world to this country, and the fact that a diverse population becomes a stakeholder class could all work to ensure that the United States remains the most influential nation in the world.     

美国对外战略的调整与中美关系

冷战后,由于亚太和中国在美国对外战略中地位的提升,以及美国明显加强在亚太地区的战略部署,中美关系进入了一个新的发展阶段.尽管"9.11"事件后,中美关系出现某些改善迹象,但仍没有改变美国亚太战略尤其是对华战略的基本布局和调整方向.     

Five Focuses of U.S. Foreign Policy

The U.S. Presidential campaign in 2004 revealed a phenomenon of high “polarization“ in American society, and it also exposed the sharp competition between the two political forces--liberal and conservative. Finally more of the constituency voted for Bush, hence Mr. Bush won re-election. This has not only changed the Bush family‘s fate of “winning a war but losing election,“ but also helped Bush clean up his psychological shadow of his “presidency“ decided by the Supreme Court in the last general election. As a “wartime president, undoubtedly Bush will become greater political confidence for his second term.……     

Reflections on the Iraq War: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy

Our foreign policy elites, the press, our elected representatives and the general public internalize “lessons” from each war, although the lessons may be wrong or misapplied. How we arrive at such consensus lessons is a mystery. It is too early to predict what lessons from Iraq will guide future U.S. decision-making. But on the situation as it now stands, it is possible to make some broad generalizations concerning what went right in Iraq and what went wrong.     

Five Focuses of U. S. Foreign Policy

The U.S.Presidential campaign in2004revealed a phenomenonof high"polarization"in American society,and it also exposed thesharp competition between the two political forces liberal and con-servative.Finally more of the constituency voted for Bush,hence Mr.Bush won re-election.This has not only changed the Bush family's fateof"winning a war but losing election,"but also helped Bush clean uphis psychological shadow of his"presidency"decided by the SupremeCourt in the last general election.As …     

美国对外政策中的文化规范功能

冷战结束后 ,文化在国际关系和对外政策中的作用受到学者们的普遍关注。本文从文化的规范功能的角度出发 ,分析美国对外政策中的道义与利益及其关系。作者认为 ,文化的规范功能在对外政策中表现为文化限定了国家对外政策可选择的范围 ,只有符合或至少不悖于国家文化价值观的对外政策才会被社会民众所接受。对于美国这样一个既有浓厚的宗教信仰传统 ,又具有讲求实效的务实精神的国家 ,文化的规范功能在美国对外政策中体现为理想主义与现实主义的结合。理想主义为美国的对外政策赋予道义上的目标和意义 ,现实主义使道义目标在实施中符合美国的现实利益 ,美国历史上最成功的对外政策就是道义与利益的完美结合。     

美国共和党外交理念刍议

一、共和党外交政策回顾二战以来 ,美国共和党与民主党执政时间都是 2 8年。在外交上 ,共和党往往给人留下强硬派印象 ,其一贯特点是强调实力外交地位 ,奉行现实主义对外政策 ,但始终带有明显的保守主义意识形态色彩。2 0世纪 60年代末 ,一向以反共著称的共和党人尼克松当选总统。作为现实主义者的尼克松知道与美国的意识形态宿敌接触符合其国家利益 ,只有缓和才能赢得喘息之机 ,但应以实力地位为前提。他一上台就与中苏两个共产党国家搞缓和 ,以争取喘息的时间。同样 ,里根也以反共著称。里根政府采取强硬的对苏政策 ,实施推回战略。它认为…     

Constructing NAFTA: Myth, Representation, and the Discursive Construction of U.S. Foreign Policy

The passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement in November 1993 signified the acceptance of Mexico as an equal trading partner with the United States and Canada. However, accepting Mexico as an equal partner challenged a deeply ingrained U.S. image of Mexico as inferior, childlike, dependent, and suspicious. How was it possible for the U.S. public and its congressional representatives to accept equal economic integration with a country that embodied such a negative image? Addressing this dilemma through a constructivist approach, this article argues that the existing image of Mexico remained intact. The passage of NAFTA instead resulted from a discursive construction of NAFTA that emphasized a positive U.S. self-image through American myths thereby allowing the simultaneous acceptance of Mexico as inferior and as an equal trading partner. American myths and other representational elements constructed NAFTA for the American public and created a policy success for President Clinton. This article relies on an empirical investigation of newspaper advertisements to demonstrate how myths contributed to the discursive construction of NAFTA.     

Widening the Protection Gap: The 'Politics of Citizenship' for Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon, 1948-2008

Lebanon has been a reluctant host to Palestinian refugees since1948. A mainstay of Lebanese policies vis-à-vis the Palestinianrefugees has been preventing their permanent integration andsettlement in the country. The question of naturalizing refugeesis one of the most contentious political issues in Lebanon today.Palestinian refugees tend to live in conflict-ridden environments,often at the margins of the host society. This first of allapplies to the camp-based refugees, who languish in dilapidatedand overcrowded camps. Unable to return to Palestine and marginalizedby the host society, they are caught in a legal limbo. In orderto understand the complex legal regime that governs their refugeestatus, it is necessary to examine their rights as refugeesin international law, regionally as hosted by Arab League statesand nationally as residents of Lebanon. The rights regime iscomplex and contributes to a critical ‘protection gap’for the refugees. This article demonstrates how this protectiongap was created and widened by historically contingent, international,regional and national legal rights regimes.     

Understanding the Unilateralist Turn in U.S. Foreign Policy

How should we explain the recent unilateralist turn in U.S. foreign policy? Some accounts treat growing American unilateralism as a passing aberration attributable to the neoconservative ideology of the Bush administration. This paper, by contrast, traces U.S. unilateralism to the structural effects, at home and abroad, of the end of the Cold War. Internationally, the removal of the Soviet threat has undermined the "institutional bargain" that once guided relations between the U.S. and its major allies. Absent Cold War imperatives, the U.S. is less willing to provide collective goods through strong international institutions and other states are less likely to defer to U.S. demands for special privileges that exempt the U.S. from normal multilateral constraints. Domestically, the end of the Cold War has weakened the ability of presidents to resist the appeals of powerful veto players whose interests are threatened by multilateral commitments. These factors suggest that American unilateralism may have deeper roots and more staying power than many expect.     

寻求反恐与美国外交的最佳结合--《恐怖主义与美国外交政策》评介

恐怖主义早在“9·11事件”之前就已经是美国政府和公众的心头之患 ,多年来 ,反恐一直被列为美国国家安全战略的重要目标之一。许多专著及文章披露了美国境内外恐怖案件内幕、国际恐怖主义组织及其运作方式、大规模毁灭性恐怖袭击的可怕前景等 ,但很少专门讨论如何处理打击恐怖主义与美国外交之间的关系。美国前中央情报局“反恐中心”副主管、中情局长特别助理保罗·皮勒撰写的《恐怖主义与美国外交政策》(ＰａｕｌＲ .Ｐｉｌｌａｒ ,ＴｅｒｒｏｒｉｓｍａｎｄＵ .Ｓ .ＦｏｒｅｉｇｎＰｏｌｉｃｙ ,ＷａｓｈｉｎｇｔｏｎＤ .Ｃ .:Ｂｒｏｏ…