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1.
Public opinions regarding the international economic organizations (IEOs; the IMF, World Bank, and WTO) are understudied.
I contrast five lines of argument using a multi-country survey of developing countries, focusing on evaluations of the economy,
skills, gender, and ideology and measures of involvement with the organizations themselves. At the individual level, respondents
have negative views if they have negative views of the state of the economy. More educated respondents are more likely to
have negative views of the IEOs. Women are more likely to have positive views of the IEOs than men. National levels of engagement
with the IEOs also affect public evaluations of them. Evaluations of the state of the economy are more influential determinants
of IEO evaluations in states that receive IMF and World Bank loans, as well as in states that are active in WTO dispute resolution.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of the article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorised users.
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2.
Recent challenges to traditional international relations theory have questioned the nature of international organizations
(IOs) as agents of powerful state-members and have examined various conduits through which non-state actors can voice their
concerns. Yet little work has focused on participation in IOs when a powerful state’s official position contradicts the goals
of actors within it. This article examines the archival record of American involvement in the League of Nations’ economic
section to explore such a circumstance. I correct the prevailing historical view of American isolationism in the interwar
period and argue that participation by advanced, industrial democracies can better be understood as combinations of exit,
voice, and loyalty on the part of individual components of state and civil societies.
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3.
This article combines inductive and deductive theory building to identify building blocks for a theory of inter-organizational
networking, a phenomenon that has gained prominence in international relations, but is largely neglected by IR scholars. Organizational
and network theory are identified as the major starting points for theory building. Hypotheses are generated from the network
of Euro-Atlantic security institutions, which has become the most sophisticated network of its kind since the early 1990s.
The article looks specifically at the genesis of dyadic inter-organizational relations and of entire networks, at the relevance
of networking for policy output and at the system effects that networks have on individual organizations. The theoretical
findings are presented so as to allow a transfer to other geographical and functional areas of networking.
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4.
The United States is the largest contributor to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, providing resources
in exchange for voting power in these international financial institutions (IFIs). While the Treasury Department manages the
day-to-day aspects of US participation in these institutions, Congress retains authority on funding. With the aim of understanding
the microincentives of US support for the IFIs, I analyze congressional voting on bills to fund the IFIs. I argue that members
of congress are more likely to support a funding increase (1) the more “liberal” their ideology, (2) the larger the share
of campaign contributions they get from banks that specialize in international lending, and (3) the larger the share of voters
that gain from economic globalization that reside in their districts. Statistical analyses of voting on five IFI funding bills
since 1977 provide support for these arguments.
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
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5.
We discuss global options for initiatives intended to ameliorate adverse impacts of visa and work permit systems used by national
governments around the world. We first describe and document some of their effects, noting the relative lack of other research
work on these issues. We then discuss proposals for a new and supplemental global visa structure which have been made as part
of the Mode 4 GATS negotiations in the WTO, suggesting that the GATS/WTO may be an imperfect institutional location for negotiating
on these matters. We then evaluate other approaches, including what realistically could be possible if a new body specifically
created for global negotiation in the area were to be used.
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6.
The ‘coordinate plane of global governance’ developed in this paper describes the trade-off between static gains and dynamic
losses associated with international policy harmonization. A simple model illustrates how potential gains result from producing
positive international spill-overs, whereas potential losses come from restricted systems competition between national policy
regimes. The solution to this model allows identifying the cut-off level between policies suitable for global harmonization
and policies which should better not be centralized. An application of the concept to selected policy fields illustrates its
relevance for decision-making on global governance.
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7.
Regional integration in East Asia has been described as ‘market-led’ integration driven by the activities of multinational
corporations creating vertical specialisation. This paper investigates the effect of free trade agreements (FTAs) on vertical
specialisation-based trade by employing a gravity estimation for a sample of nine East Asian countries plus the US. We find
that FTAs promote international trade based on vertical specialisation and enhances deep integration between countries. The
FTA effect on vertical specialisation-based trade increases with pre-agreement vertical linkage level, that is, the deeper
the real integration between countries the larger the FTA impact. The results of this paper also suggest that deeper economic
integrations, such as currency unions, will enhance trade based on vertical production by reducing the risk of exchange rate
volatility.
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8.
The trade and environment interface has become a topic of growing importance. Until the early 1990s, the General Agreement
on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and its successor, the World Trade Organisation (WTO), were the major forums to address the relationship
between trade and the environment. Significant progress in this area has not yet been made. Since the 1990s, environmental
issues have been addressed by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and in recent times by trans-regional and bilateral
free trade agreements (FTAs) such as the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (SEP), the U.S.–Singapore
FTA (USSFTA), the Canada–Chile FTA or the New Zealand–Thailand Closer Economic Partnership Agreement (CEP). Not only questions
on the effectiveness of FTAs in global and regional environmental governance arise but also on the various actors involved
in these negotiations. The question here is whether the integration of environmental issues in FTAs is a top-down approach,
leaving the negotiations and implementation of environment cooperation frameworks in the hands of governments, or whether
environmental arrangements are the result of a multi-stakeholder dialogue, consequently committing governments, the private
sector and civil society to the objective of making trade and environmental policies mutually supportive. This article seeks
to address these questions by analysing environmental issues and stakeholder participation in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC), the Trans-Pacific SEP and the New Zealand–Thailand CEP.
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9.
Agriculture has been the most contentious issue in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, and the European Union
(EU) intervenes substantially in agricultural markets. This paper reviews these interventions in light of the EU’s participation
in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations with specific attention to Asia. It concludes that the offers made by
the EU were designed precisely to avoid any real liberalization in its agricultural markets and have undermined the development
aspirations of the round.
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10.
In 2005 Indonesian and European institutes joined to start the first step for the implementation of an Ocean Operational System
in the Indonesian archipelago. The system will support the decision making process for the sustainable use of marine resources,
providing useful information and added value products as well as a service for an improved management of the sea with high
business impact to targeted groups as public authorities and commercial operators (coastal managers, fishermen, shipping companies).
In this paper the System is shortly described with its potential benefits and economic and social impacts.
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11.
This paper describes the European Union (EU) presence in Indonesia. It firstly discusses the reorientation of EU relations
with Indonesia. It might be argued that the reorientation has been supported dominantly by economic and political motivations
as consequences of the EU’s internal dynamics (such as single market; CFSP), the global dynamics and the rise of inter-regionalism.
Secondly, current economic relationships show that the EU presence has been very significant for Indonesian economy, in term
of international trade, investments, foreign exchange rate, debt, development assistance and business activities.
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12.
This paper focuses on the positions taken by civil society organisations that actively campaign on trade policies. Trade campaigners
oppose the neo-liberal approach to trade and development and advocate a much more gradual and prudent approach to trade liberalisation.
They stress that trade liberalisation will only lead to sustainable development if it respects environmental and social concerns,
including the gender dimension of trade; if trade liberalisation is properly owned, prepared and sequenced; adapted to the
institutional and economic needs and capacities of the countries and people involved, and accompanied by all necessary flanking
measures. Trade campaigners stress the need to maintain policy space and the necessary governance instruments to react to
changing circumstances and address social and environmental concerns. They denounce the lack of information, consultation
and participation provided by governments in trade policy formulation and negotiations and they campaign to raise awareness
and create more room for debate and participation.
This article builds on a paper presented on 19-20 June 2008 at an UNU-CRIS Work Shop in Bruges on “Deep Integration and North-South
Free Trade Agreements. EU Strategy for a Global Economy”.
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13.
The literature on social capital has strongly increased in the last two decades, but there still is a lack of substantial
empirical evidence about the determinants of international trust. This empirical study analyzes a cross-section of individuals,
using micro-data from the World Values Survey, covering 38 countries, to investigate trust in international organizations,
specifically in the United Nations. In line with previous studies on international trust we find that political trust matters.
We also find that social trust is relevant, but contrary to previous studies the results are less robust. Moreover, the paper
goes beyond previous studies investigating also the impact of geographic identification, corruption and globalization. We
find that a higher level of (perceived) corruption reduces the trust in the UN in developed countries, but increases trust
in developing and transition countries. A stronger identification with the world as a whole also leads to a higher trust in
the UN and a stronger capacity to act globally in economic and political environment increases trust in the UN.
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14.
The paper investigates changes in IMF activities using the analytical framework of international public goods. The IMF promotes
international financial stability, whose outputs are joint products with varying degrees of publicness. In recent years, IMF
loans (recipient-specific benefits) have assumed decreased importance, while the Fund’s technical assistance and monitoring
activities have taken on greater importance. As a consequence, the club and purely public outputs (e.g., disseminating best
practices) have grown as a share of IMF activities. Changes in the mix of IMF activities alter the mix of international public
goods and, in so doing, change policy recommendations regarding the role of IMF. The future of IMF is also addressed, especially
in light of increased private capital flows.
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15.
World history has known areas of relative isolation and areas of high intensity of cultural interaction. The Mediterranean
Sea, the Silk Road or the Straits of Malacca can be cited as such crucial contact zones. Within these areas, centres sprung
up that served as interfaces between cultures and societies. These “hubs” as we would like to call them, emerged at various
points throughout the contact zones, rose to prominence and submerged into oblivion due to a variety of natural calamities
or political fortunes. This paper assesses the rise and fall of trade and knowledge hubs along the Straits of Malacca from
before colonialisation until today. Historical hubs of maritime trade and religiosity today increasingly establish themselves
as educational and knowledge hubs. This leads us to speak of the Straits of Malacca as a chain of—not pearls—but knowledge
hubs with Singapore as the knowledge hub in the region shining the brightest of all, as the data suggest. We aim to conceptually
grasp this development by suggesting a model or at least a hypothesis about the rise and movement of knowledge hubs in general.
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16.
A growing body of international relations literature examines the delegation of state authority to international organizations.
Delegation is a conditional grant of authority from a principal to an agent in which the latter is empowered to act on behalf
of the former. This paper explores the effect of agent permeability to interested third parties on the efficacy of control
mechanisms established by principals. Our central argument is that higher levels of agent permeability are likely to lead
to higher levels of agent autonomy. Because of this, principals who face a potentially permeable agent are likely to delegate
more cautiously—partially, in stages, or with clear limits. We illustrate our argument with a case study of the European Convention
of Human Rights and its two principal institutions, the Commission and the Court. We find that principals (contracting states)
historically delegated quite cautiously to the Court, clearly concerned about the Court’s autonomy. Court behavior in its
first two decades reassured principals while increasing the Court’s permeability. Over time, that increased permeability increased
Court autonomy in conjunction with the Court’s growing visibility and experience.
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17.
Both parties to an eventual EU India FTA have agreed that it should not merely address tariff barriers but should also go
further into what is known as deep integration, originally developed in the 1990s by R.Z. Lawrence. This relates to the removal
of all obstacles to cross border business whether actual trade barriers or domestic regulations. We distinguish deep institutional
integration from the deep integration of markets. We ask the question how one may support the other. There are potential market
failures that can be addressed by trans-national rules on standards and technical regulations and services, but we conclude
that the biggest impact of a deep RTA would be on the domestic economy of India if it provides an opportunity for reform.
It should be noted that the paper draws on a study undertaken by the authors for DG Trade, but it represents only the views
of the authors.
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18.
The EU sets considerable store by the need for its Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) now under negotiation with Asian countries
to contain a sustainable development chapter with clear references to respect for the core ILO labour standards. While they
reject the sanctions-based approach demanded by the European trade unions, they accept that some real enforcement mechanisms
will be needed. Among Asian countries, Korea is most likely to accept some form of a social clause, while India and certainly
some ASEAN countries strongly oppose it. This article explores the prospects for mutual agreement on this thorny issue at
the bilateral level which, to date, has failed at the multilateral level.
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19.
Trade interdependence between Europe and Asia has rapidly increased in recent years. Europe–Asia trade flows now constitute
a ‘third link’ in the global economy. As trade expands, however, global trade governance has declined and free trade agreements
(FTAs) have increased. Hence, the Global Europe strategy has been designed to enhance trade relations with emerging Asia which
is the most dynamic region in the global economy today. But Asia’s model of export led growth leaves it more exposed to shocks
emanating from outside the region than ever before raising questions about its sustainability. Deep integration agreements
between Europe and Asia are needed to foster economic growth. They also need a development dimension to help Asian countries
address their key development challenges.
Brigid Gavin was the Research Coordinator of the workshop on ‘ Deep Integration and North–South Free Trade Agreements: EU Strategy for a Global Economy’ which provided the papers and discussion forum for the articles in this special edition. The workshop took place at the
United Nations University-Comparative Regional Integration Studies (UNU-CRIS) centre in Bruges, Belgium on 19–20 June, 2008.
She wishes to express her thanks to Mr Luk Van Langenhove, Director of UNU-CRIS for financial support and to all the authors
and participants in the workshop for their contribution to making this project a real success. A special word of thanks goes
to Lars Nilsson, Chief Economist Unit, DG Trade, European Commission for his opening presentation to the workshop.
Alice Sindzingre is Research Fellow, National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS), University of Paris and Visiting Lecturer
at School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. This analysis draws from her paper ‘ The EU Economic Partnership Agreements with Africa’ which she presented at the workshop and available on the UNU-CRIS website.
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20.
The analysis of the competitive environment of international organizations has been neglected in scholarly research. Both
the external and the internal type of competition in international organizations are rather weak and their performance is
far from ideal. To strengthen both types of competition, several tentative proposals are advanced. They range from the introduction
of an international competition agency, competition rules, a monitoring institute, voucher systems, matching contributions,
popular participation rights by citizens to the use of prediction markets and institutionalized devil’s advocates. These proposals
are put forward to stimulate discussion and to advance new ideas about the design of international organizations.
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