坚持和加强党的全面领导的规范化

坚持和加强党的全面领导应着力提升规范化水平,首先要根据党的规范性文件准确辨析这一命题的内在规定。坚持和加强党的全面领导要求各级党组织推进全面从严治党,坚决做到"两个维护",而非事无巨细地领导本地区本单位的一切工作。根据党内法规,地方和农村党组织的"全面领导"是有限度的,企事业单位党委的领导主要是落实政治责任,通过发挥政治功能坚持和加强党的全面领导。某些基层党组织和党的领导机构因制度短板影响了党建责任的履行。对此,中央工作机关和各级党组织应充分发挥积极性,在不违反党章党规的前提下,创新制度设计,提升坚持和加强党的全面领导的实际效果。     

新时代党内法规制度体系建设:价值、逻辑和路径

党内法规制度体系是管党治党的重要依据和基本遵循。新时代加强党内法规制度体系建设是全面从严治党的根本之策,要遵循继承性和创新性相统一、现实性和前瞻性相统一、问题导向和目标导向相统一的基本原则。在路径选择上,要坚持以习近平总书记关于党内法规建设重要论述为指导,以党的政治建设为统领,建设一支规模宏大的高素质专业队伍和构建党内法规制度建设保障体系的现实路径,形成和巩固党内法规制度体系建设的思想保障、政治保障、人才队伍保障和制度保障。     

中共中央印发《关于加强党内法规制度建设的意见》

<正>近日,中共中央印发《关于加强党内法规制度建设的意见》(以下简称《意见》)。《意见》贯彻落实以习近平同志为核心的党中央关于全面从严治党、依规治党的重大决策部署,从指导思想、总体目标、加快构建完善的党内法规制度体系、提高党内法规制度执行力、加强组织领导等方面,对加强新形势下党内法规制度建设提出明确要求、作出统筹部署。《意见》指出,治国必先治党,治党务必从严,从严必依法度。加强党内法规制度建设,是全面从严     

建党百年来坚持和加强党的全面领导的内在逻辑

在中国政治的运行之中,中国共产党作为推动国家与社会发展进步的核心领导力量,对国家和社会发展的各方面实行全面领导,为国家与社会的全面发展进步提供了根本保障。自中国共产党成立以来,其对于国家和社会的全面领导始终围绕于把准政治方向、深入根植于党和国家组织与制度体系、广泛建构于党和国家思想价值体系,构成了全面领导的基本运行机理。新时代背景下坚持和加强党的全面领导,要始终坚持党中央权威和集中统一领导、实现党的全面领导与国家制度体系融合、使党牢牢掌握意识形态工作领导权。     

改革开放以来中国共产党政治纪律建设历程与基本经验

政治纪律建设是新时代推进全面从严治党的关键举措,是提高党的执政能力、巩固党的执政地位的有力保证。改革开放以来党的政治纪律建设历程表明,加强政治纪律建设要始终坚持问题导向、维护党中央权威与集中统一领导、完善党内法规制度体系、坚持严格执纪。深刻总结改革开放以来党的政治纪律建设的基本经验,为推进新时代党的政治纪律建设、解决党内政治生活中存在的突出问题、坚持"两个维护"、巩固党的团结统一提供重要借鉴。     

党的制度建设的新思路--学习邓小平制度建党思想的体会

重 视党的制度建设是邓小平党建理论的一个鲜明特点。早在５０年代 ,邓小平就对加强党的制度建设有过许多论述。１９８０年 ,他在《党和国家的领导制度改革》的重要讲话中 ,以一个无产阶级战略家的眼光 ,在我党历史上第一次比较系统地全面地阐述了党的制度建设的思想 ,为丰富党的建设的理论宝库作出了新的重大贡献。认真学习邓小平这一思想 ,对于我们明晰思路 ,突出重点 ,全面推进党的建设新的伟大工程具有十分重要的现实意义。———狠抓基础 ,建立健全以民主集中制为核心的党的各项制度。党的制度是否健全和完善 ,党内政治生活是否正常 ,…     

始终保持政治上的清醒与坚定

以江泽民同志为核心的第三代中央领导集体在全面担负起领导我国改革开放和现代化建设的重任以来,反复强调的一个重要观点,就是领导干部要讲政治。1994年党的十四届四中全会《决定》郑重提出,高级     

以党内问责制坚持和加强党的全面领导:内在机理与优化路径北大核心

党内问责制作为党的自我革命制度规范体系的重要组成部分,对于坚持和加强党的全面领导有着重要意义。就内在机理而言,党内问责制为党的全面领导的目标指向——践行党的初心使命提供了制度支撑,为党的全面领导的立身之本——保持党的先进性、纯洁性提供了保障和动力,为党的全面领导的力量之源——坚持人民至上提供了回应机制。在新时代新征程上,要确立以信任为基础的问责理念,将党内问责制嵌入党的全面领导制度体系之中,探索数字赋能党内问责制的实践路径,不断优化党内问责制,以坚持和加强党的全面领导。     

党的政治建设的历史经验与基本内容

正党的十九大报告提出,中国特色社会主义最本质的特征是坚持中国共产党的领导,中国特色社会主义制度的最大优势是中国共产党领导,党是最高政治领导力量。新时代党的建设总要求强调突出政治建设在党的建设中的重要地位。"以党的政治建设为统领","全面推进党的政治建设、思想建设、组织建设、作风建设、纪律建设,把制度建设贯穿其中,深入推进反腐败斗争"。审视和定位党的政治建设就必须厘清政     

新时代党的政治建设的鲜明特色

党的政治建设是党的根本性建设。随着全面从严治党的深入实践,党中央对执政党建设规律的认识不断深化,旗帜鲜明地提出了"党的政治建设"新课题,推动了党的政治建设不断创新。从理论创新上讲,明确了党的政治建设的新定位、新目标、新任务,并提出了一系列新观点;从实践创新上讲,深化政治巡视加强党的政治领导、严肃党内政治生活净化政治生态、严厉惩治腐败保持政治本色、坚持以人民为中心夯实政治根基;从机制创新上讲,推动党的政治建设法规制度创新、党的组织体系和工作机制创新。新时代党的政治建设创新具有重要意义:拓展了马克思主义政治建党理论,推动了全面从严治党向纵深发展,引领了党的建设新的伟大工程。     

社区治理共同体建设——新时代社区治理制度化的理论逻辑与实现路径

社区治理共同体是社会治理共同体的基础单元,社区治理共同体建设的制度化程度直接关乎社会治理现代化的制度化水平和总体质量.进入新时代,推动社区治理共同体的制度建设,必须坚持和完善党对社区治理工作的全面领导,发挥党组织的政治引领、组织引领、能力引领、机制引领作用.同时,构建政府负责下简约高效的基层社会管理体制,通过政府向社会力量购买服务机制实现社区公共服务的社会协同供给,以民主协商的方式实现社区治理的公众参与.还要以法治为保障、以科技为支撑,提升和推动社区治理和服务的法治化水平和信息化建设,进而建设人人有责、人人尽责、人人享有的社区治理共同体.     

How iron is the iron law of oligarchy?

Abstract. Probably the most famous dictum about parties' internal structures is Robert Michels' 'iron law of oligarchy'. Over the past two decades, however, the societal context within which parties are embedded has begun to change which may alter the psychological premise upon which Michels' law is based. More specifically, we hypothesize that New Politics proponents within established parties are disproportionately likely to rely on cues from local party branches, instead of leadership cues, in forming issue positions on intra-party controversies. Accordingly, this paper analyzes the influence of New Politics issues on the leadership-constituency views of party delegates within fifty-two West European parties. In addition, we analyze the relative contribution of party ideology and party structures to the evolution of mean party support for NP policies and constituency orientations. The data base for this paper is a unique study of convention delegates conducted in all major West European parties, and a study of party characteristics. We find that New Politics supporters, especially within socialist parties, are predisposed to emphasize the representation of their local party constituency, in case the views of local party branches and a party's national leadership clash. We assess the implications of this research for parties and party theories, especially Michels' law.     

Inside the Cartel Party: Party Organisation in Government and Opposition

This article assesses the internal dynamics of the cartel party model. It argues that a party's endeavour to increase its societal reach by opening membership boundaries while keeping candidate selection local (two tendencies ascribed to this model), and the general need to maintain party unity, are difficult to reconcile. Therefore a fully fledged cartel party is organisationally vulnerable, which reinforces its resort to selective benefits (i.e. political appointments, patronage) whenever in government to satisfy organisational demands, a trigger intensifying party–state relations which is usually overlooked. Further, the dominant view of the ascendancy of parties' 'public face' needs to be qualified: the Irish Fianna Fáil, with its permeable boundaries and local candidate selection, reflects the cartel party model without a cartel at the party system level. Majoritarian dynamics have forced Fianna Fáil repeatedly into opposition which reveals the following: Fianna Fáil as a cartel party can afford to neglect its infrastructure on the ground as long as it is controlling government resources. In opposition its leadership initiates reforms to reinvigorate the party's infrastructure since it is pressed to generate organisational support through other means than distributing benefits.     

"公推直选"的效应及思考

“公推直选”的试点使得党内思想、党内矛盾、党的活动方式、干部管理等方面出现新的变化：这是实现政党现代化的必然举措。为了推动“公推直选”深入开展，现阶段，应把“公推直选”的边界定到地方基层领导班子和主要领导；应扎实推动党员代表和群众代表的直选工作；应着重在党员、上级党组织和党外群众三个方面研究配套制度。     

新时期农村基层党组织权威提升与功能实现

农村基层党组织是党在农村全部工作和战斗力的基础,拥有领导核心功能,利益综合、协调与表达功能以及政治录用与政治社会化功能。新时期,农村中出现的各种变化、变革给农村基层党组织带来了挑战。权威的提升有助于促进党组织功能的有效发挥。权威的树立并不意味着权威问题的永久解决,作为党在农村工作的领导核心,村党组织必须关注农村社会各层面的变动,提升其功能发挥的效果,重塑自身的权威。     

Leasehold or Freehold? Leader-Eviction Rules in the British Conservative and Labour Parties

This paper examines how leader-eviction rules affect the security of tenure of party leaders in the British Conservative and Labour parties. It sets out a framework for analysing and comparing eviction rules based on the political risks and institutional costs incurred by challengers and selectors alike in removing incumbents. Entering a contest entails mobilisation costs as challengers seek the backing of allies. Political risks are increased for the incumbent's rivals if they must stand directly against the incumbent in a contest. In contrast, rules that separate incumbent eviction and replacement enable rivals to freeride on the evicting efforts of other actors, significantly diminishing the incumbent's security of tenure. This paper looks at three systems: the Labour Party's electoral college, the Conservative Party's parliamentary ballot system and the Tories' new parliamentary mass-membership hybrid. High nomination barriers and the necessity to challenge the incumbent directly make Labour leaders secure. Eviction costs are lower in the two Conservative systems. This paper also argues that a party's eviction rules must be viewed in the context of its broader internal distribution of power: as party leaders gain more power over decision-making, raising barriers to challengers may simply encourage internal opponents to rebel or exit.     

Change and Continuity in the Liberal Democrat General Election Campaign of 2005

This article analyses the Liberal Democrat general election campaign of 2005, with special attention to developments in the party between 2001 and 2005. It argues that there was significant change in policy during that period, towards an agenda emphasising decentralisation and 'tough liberalism'. However, this did not significantly alter the party's overall message from that of 2001, which remained focused on policies such as scrapping university tuition fees. Meanwhile, there was great continuity in campaign strategy and tactics, particularly because of the influence of the party's Chief Executive, Lord Rennard. Tactical innovations in 2005 stemmed from the party's success at fundraising, rather than any decision that new methods of campaigning were necessary. The article concludes with a critical assessment of the campaign, and examines the issues which are likely to arise in forthcoming debates on Liberal Democrat strategy, policy and leadership.     

Challenging the Leadership: The Party Conference as a Platform for Dissenting Membership Voice in British and Danish Parties of the Left

According to A. O. Hirschman, party members who are dissatisfied with their party's policy have two options: they can either leave the party (exit) or try to change party policy (voice). Research has shown that leadership control over policy is extremely high, leaving membership influence virtually non-existent. On that basis, exit seems the only viable membership reaction to dissatisfaction with party policy. Nevertheless, research has also shown that voice is of great importance to members; hence it is voice that will be the main focus of this article, which examines the circumstances under which party members are likely to opt for voice over exit and what factors are likely to hamper voice. Using a study of the Danish Socialist Peoples Party, the Danish Social Democrats and the British Labour Party, the article shows that despite the odds stacked against them, some party members do make use of the opportunities for voice offered by the party conference, but also that they often face significant obstacles in exercising it.     

Explaining Gender Parity Representation in Spain: The Internal Dynamics of Parties

This paper sheds light on the reasons for the sudden rise of women in party politics and political representation in Spain. Structural explanations and the conditioning influence of the electoral system are reviewed before focusing on institutional and party-political explanations. It argues that the key factor in explaining this rise is not just the adoption of rules on the gender parity representation, but the intra-party politics that allows for effective implementation of such rules. Using insights into the internal dynamics of the PSOE gained from extensive field observations and interviews, it argues that high levels of female representation were secured via internal party procedures, coupled with political backing from the party leadership. The paper therefore takes the discussion on women’ participation in representative politics beyond the question of adopting quota rules into the terrain of how, instead of remaining a dead letter, it is successfully implemented in practice.