伊拉克战争对国际关系的影响

推翻萨达姆政权并控制伊拉克和中东的石油资源,扫除在美国实现其独霸世界目标道路上的障碍,是美国发动伊拉克战争的主要原因。美对伊战争的胜利将使美国的霸权地位得到进一步巩固和提高,对未来世界格局的走向产生深远的影响。     

Highly Emotional States: French-US Relations and the Iraq War

Understanding the true nature of the relations between France and the United States is central to an understanding of the diplomatic crisis that broke out between them in 2003 over the War in Iraq. An analysis of the political cultures of France and the US offers considerable explanatory power to this dramatic diplomatic dispute. The inordinately emotional aspects of the Franco-US arguments of 2003 mask the fact that the two countries understand each other little. In the French case, its self-view and related diplomatic comportment in the twentieth century was informed by its relationship to Germany; and from it a range of cultural characteristics emerged, among them: vulnerability, self-regard, a romanticized view of itself, and the personalization of national identity. At the moment France’s response to its cultural heritage was beginning to shift to a different (post-Gaullist) paradigm, the dispute with the US erupted.     

更加务实的双边关系--析伊拉克战后的印美关系

伊拉克战争后,印美两国虽然存在着分歧,但两国战略伙伴关系仍然得到继续发展,特别是防务合作关系得到了显著发展.这是因为两国从实现各自长远战略利益出发,以更加务实的态度对待这些分歧.因此,目前两国之间的分歧并未阻碍两国将战略伙伴关系继续推进.     

伊拉克战后中东国际关系的地缘性特征

伊拉克战争后 ,中东国际关系的地缘性特征主要表现在以下 6点 :伊拉克成为美国在中东的“支柱国家” ;沙特、埃及和土耳其等国与美国处于一种“无所适从国家”的关系 ;伊朗、叙利亚是美国的“潜在敌意国家” ;法、德与美国盟友反目 ;俄罗斯和美国矛盾重重 ;“多强”合作的趋势加强。中东地区大国同美国的关系将进行新一轮的分化与组合 ,世界强国针对美国的单边主义进一步加强合作将是一种长期的发展趋势。伊拉克战争后的中东国际关系生动地展现了国际关系中的国家利益理论、合作理论和权力 (实力 )理论。未来的中东国际关系将是这样一幅图景 :国家利益为主轴 ,国家实力为决定因素 ,冲突与合作共生、霸权与反霸权、均势与反均势共存、多角色多层次博弈。     

Dialogue among Civilizations: Implications for International Relations

The year 2001 was designated as the "United Nations (UN) Year of Dialogue among Civilizations", a major move based on the General Assembly resolution 53/22 of 1998, taken at the dawn of the new millennium. Persistent progress of such dialogue will bring a bout not only a rosy picture for human civilizations but also a bright future for international relations. This article intends to offer some views about ts significance in the latter respect. The citatlon of a wealth of basic material is meant for inviting more in-depth discussions.     

文明对话的国际关系意含

联合国倡导和推动的不同文明对话是20世纪90年代以来文明间关系和国家间关系的重要发展,是以和平与发展为主题的当今时代的特征性表现.本文从国际关系的角度,认为文明对话不仅有利于人类文明的进步,而且在国际对话趋势的深入发展、国际文化关系的进一步文明化、回应经济全球化的挑战和探索国际关系新范式等方面都具有重要意义.文明对话将继续赋予国际关系更多的"文明精神".     

冷战后印度对外关系调整、发展及影响

冷战结束后,印度为了实现其“大国”梦想,对其外交政策进行了重大调整,以获取更大的战略利益。印度对外政策的调整以大国外交为主轴而展开,通过积极的外交努力,印度与世界上大多数国家建立了互利友好的双边关系,为本国的经济发展创造了较为有利的战略环境,同时也极大地提高了印度在国际事务中的话语权和地位。     

伊拉克战争对当代国际关系的冲击与挑战

伊拉克战争标志着美国对其对外战略进行冷战结束以来最广泛而深刻的调整 ,美国正在成为现有国际秩序的挑战者 ,它企图按照单极霸权的需要和能力 ,来建立新的世界战略格局。这将给各国的外交政策以及当代国际关系造成强大的冲击。     

Reflections on the Iraq War: Implications for U.S. Foreign Policy

Our foreign policy elites, the press, our elected representatives and the general public internalize “lessons” from each war, although the lessons may be wrong or misapplied. How we arrive at such consensus lessons is a mystery. It is too early to predict what lessons from Iraq will guide future U.S. decision-making. But on the situation as it now stands, it is possible to make some broad generalizations concerning what went right in Iraq and what went wrong.     

伊拉克战争后中亚地区的战略局势与大国关系

苏联解体后,美国乘中亚的“权力真空”之际,开始染指中亚地区。阿富汗战争后中亚地区的国际战略地位突现,美国实现在中亚地区驻军的目标,美俄战略利益格局发生变化;上海合作组织的建立,使中国在中亚地区的影响加大;北约东扩,中亚地区国家成为北约和平伙伴,美国在中亚地区的影响更大。尽管中亚地区存在大国的竞争,出现各种国际力量与组织并存的局面,但是在反恐问题上,各国只有合作与协商,才能取得共赢,才能促进中亚的和平与发展。     

伊拉克战争与中国外交

中国在从对伊武器核查到伊拉克战争这场重大国际危机前后 ,始终坚持维护《联合国宪章》和国际法基本原则 ,主张在联合国框架内政治解决伊拉克问题 ,反对“先发制人”打击的单边主义行为 ;同时又在本国力量和利益所及的范围内进行有理、有利、有节的斡旋与斗争 ,采取战略明确、战术超脱的灵活策略 ,在坚持国际道义的同时 ,最大限度地维护国家利益 ;既发挥了负责任大国应有的作用 ,又成功地实现了我国外交战略的“韬光养晦”与“有所作为”方针的辨证统一。     

伊拉克战争后的国际形势发展

美英以绝对军事优势很快打赢了伊拉克战争,但因出师无名而输掉了道义。这场战争的影响深远:引发了美欧之间的深层次矛盾;传统的国际关系准则受到较严重的冲击。伊拉克正在成为“新帝国”政策的试验场。但美国的愿望很难如愿以偿,伊拉克将有可能成为其长期陷入的新“泥潭”。     

Re-negotiating the Just War: The Invasion of Iraq and Punitive War

This article examines the arguments pertaining to punitive war presented by President George W Bush, Prime Minister Tony Blair and various just war theorists, in order to examine how they relate, first, to the case made for war against Iraq in 2003 and, second, to the classical just war tradition. In highlighting the confluence between contemporary justificatory rhetoric and the classical just war tradition, this article sketches an account of the mode by which the tradition has developed over time. By drawing attention to the homologies linking just war arguments, classical and contemporary, it constructs a basis for a critical perspective: understanding the idea of punishment as it has figured historically in just war tradition past may enable us to gain a degree of critical purchase on how it figures in just war tradition present.     

伊拉克战争中的心战手法综述

古往今来,军事谋略家都重视舆论宣传在战争中的重要作用。我国著名军事家孙子曰:“攻心为上,攻城为下。”诸葛亮也曾言道“心战为上,兵战为下”。伴随着现代传播技术和媒体的迅猛发展,舆论宣传战已成为一种重要作战手段。人们从伊拉克战争中美伊双方的攻守,更是很好地领略到了这一点。     

The War over Iraq: Selling War to the American Public

The Holocaust has become an important part of the everyday discourse of American life. Indeed, it has become one of the central historical analogies for thinking about U.S. foreign policy in the post-Cold War world. The received wisdom about the Holocaust among most Americans is that the United States and the rest of the civilized world turned away Jews seeking to escape Nazi Germany before World War II, and then sat idly by while the Third Reich murdered nearly 6 million of them during the course of the war. In light of this reprehensible indifference, the United States shares some responsibility for the Holocaust, and it must “never again” allow large numbers of people to be slaughtered because of their race, ethnicity, or religion. Historical analogies are ubiquitous in foreign policy debates. Not only do they routinely shape state behavior, they usually do so for the worse. Hence, we should be wary of all historical analogies and examine them carefully to make sure they are based on sound history and used wisely by policymakers. The widely accepted Holocaust analogy illustrates, in my view, both how analogies are frequently based on a faulty reading of history and that policies based on them have not always served U.S. interests.     

International Relations Theory and the Second Korean War

Ever since the first Korean war in 1950, scholars and policymakers have been predicting a second one, started by an invasion from the North. Whether seen as arising from preventive, preemptive, desperation, or simple aggressive motivations, the predominant perspective in the west sees North Korea as likely to instigate conflict. Yet for fifty years North Korea has not come close to starting a war. Why were so many scholars so consistently wrong about North Korea's intentions? Social scientists can learn as much from events that did not happen as from those that did. The case of North Korea provides a window with which to examine these theories of conflict initiation, and reveals how the assumptions underlying these theories can become mis-specified. Either scholars misunderstood the initial conditions, or they misunderstood the theory, and I show that scholars have made mistakes in both areas. Social science moves forward from clear statement of a theory, its causal logic, and its predictions. However, just as important is the rigorous assessment of a theory, especially if the predictions fail to materialize. North Korea never had the material capabilities to be a serious contender to the U.S.–ROK alliance, and it quickly fell further behind. The real question has not been whether North Korea would preempt as South Korea caught up, but instead why North Korea might fight as it fell further and further behind. The explanation for a half-century of stability and peace on the Korean peninsula is actually quite simple: deterrence works.     

伊拉克战争解读

伊拉克战争是一场有着巨大争议的战争,国际社会的反对与美国国内很高的支持率形成了鲜明的对照。反战者与战争发动者都有着无可争议的理由,但他们的理由又都不是压倒一切的。伊拉克战争不是一场偶然的战争,它是国际社会基本矛盾不可调和的产物。     

从伊拉克战争看土耳其与美国关系

土耳其长期被美国视为中东地区最重要的战略盟国之一。美国要求土耳其允许美军通过其领土开辟伊拉克战争北方战线 ,但由于民众反战、对战争后果的担心等因素 ,土耳其没有答应美国的要求。美国还强烈反对土耳其向伊拉克北部派军队 ,担心土军与伊拉克库尔德人发生冲突。土美关系因伊拉克战争而出现一些裂痕。随着战争后期萨达姆政权的溃败成为大势所趋 ,为了从美国取得援助和能够参加伊拉克战后重建 ,土耳其同意为美军开放领空 ,提供“空中走廊”。美国国务卿鲍威尔访问土耳其 ,提出新的援助承诺并答应土耳其参加伊拉克战后重建 ,土耳其遂同意为美军提供后勤支持 ,土美关系的裂痕得到修补。土美互有所求 ,有 5 0多年历史的土美战略同盟关系不会因一些裂痕和分歧而发生根本改变