2007年世界经济的几个热点问题

2007年世界经济保持较快增长的势头，经济增长最快的地区仍是东亚和南亚。但是，由于美国经济增长下滑，世界经济增速可能略低于去年的4％。与此同时，世界经济增长能否持续正在受到愈来愈多人的质疑。     

2003年的世界经济形势

20 0 3年 ,世界经济形势开始好转 ,美国和日本经济复苏步伐加快 ,欧元区形势依然低迷 ,亚洲发展中国家增长加快。全球股市强劲反弹 ,美元持续贬值 ,石油价格居高不下。世界经济倚重美国经济 ,美国经济依赖全球资本 ,加剧全球经济的失衡与风险。一、全球经济呈现前低后高增势2 0 0 3年世界经济增长呈现前低后高增势。年初 ,受伊拉克战争和SARS影响 ,世界经济开局不顺 ,复苏步伐蹒跚。下半年 ,因伊战速战速决以及SARS得到全面控制 ,形势开始明朗。(一)全球经济复苏步伐加快。据JP摩根公司统计 ,2 0 0 3年上半年全球经济只增长 2 % ,第三季…     

美国次贷危机及其影响

2007年美国爆发次贷危机。这场危机迅速向其它地区蔓延，并演化成为全球信贷紧缩，对世界主要金融机构和全球金融市场产生了巨大的冲击，使美国经济增长进一步放缓，并对世界经济产生一定负面影响。随着经济、金融全球化深入发展，亚洲经济在美国经济增长下滑和全球金融动荡背景下难以独善其身，美国次贷危机正通过金融和贸易等渠道对亚洲经济产生不可低估的影响。     

2004年的世界经济形势

2004年,国际油价飙升,全球汇市动荡,美国经济“双赤字”,使世界经济发展失衡。然而,国际资本恢复增长,全球贸易加速发展,科技进步取得进展,产业结构调整步伐加快。中国经济基本实现“软着陆”,世界经济出现20余年来少有的强劲增长。一、经济增长强劲2004年世界经济的最大特点是,增长点增多,增长面拓宽。据国际货币基金组织(IMF)估计,2004年世界经济增长5%(购买力平价),其中发达国家和发展中国家分别增长3.6%和6.6%,为近30年来的最高增速。①据世界银行最新估计,2004年世界经济增长4.9%,其中高收入国家增长3.5%,发展中国家增长6.1%。②IMF…     

世界经济长期增长困境与中国经济增长转型

世界经济目前面临着低增长、低通胀、低利率的"三低"状态,并正在陷入长期增长乏力、低迷的困境。究其原因,短期内自然是全球金融危机的冲击及其所导致的世界经济供给和需求结构的变化,但从长期来看,世界经济增长结构的历史性变化发挥着更为根本的作用。20世纪80年代开启的美国经济金融化进程,是近五、六百年来全球资本主义发展的重大结构性变化,它一方面使得美国经济超越了16世纪以来形成的"地理·实体经济空间",开辟了另外一个新的"电子·金融经济空间",成为一个典型的依靠发达的金融服务业和资本自由流动来掠夺全球资源的"金融国家";另一方面,它在美国国内外形成了双重的"中心—外围"结构,在国内造成贫富两极分化、中产阶层破产,在国际上则形成了"金融国家"与"贸易国家"之间的分工、竞争格局,导致除美国以外的其他发达国家和以BRICS为代表的发展中国家经济持续增长的阻力巨大。世界经济增长低迷与中国经济增长模式转型存之间存在着重要的相互影响,全球经济增长放缓必将对中国经济增长模式转型产生一定影响,而中国经济增长模式转型以及中国对全球经济治理、"一带一路"建设和区域经济合作等各个层面国际经济协调的积极参与,也将为世界经济的长期增长提供新的动力。     

美国对外贸易结构分析

美国是当今世界经济最发达的国家，作为经济增长重要推动力的对外贸易不仅在美国经济中占居重要地位，也在世界经济中占据着举足轻重的地位。根据WTO的统计，2006年，美国对外贸易总额达36510亿美元，其商品、服务贸易额分别为29570亿美元和6940亿美元，分别占世界商品、服务贸易总额（238420亿美元、53300亿美元）的4．01％和12．02％。美国商品出口位居世界第二，     

2006年世界经济形势及面临的挑战

世界经济在2005年较强劲增长的基础上,2006年整体形势仍将看好.区域经济一体化新浪潮、跨国并购新高潮、东亚渐成世界经济新的增长极和南南贸易重要性突显将构成世界经济发展的亮点.美国经济将续呈扩张势头.但世界经济仍将面临诸多风险与挑战,包括油价高企、全球经济失衡与贸易保护主义愈趋严重等.各国加强政策协调与合作是国际社会有效地应对挑战、促进共同发展的关键.     

处在十字路口的世界经济

2007年是世界经济发展不平静的一年.尽管全球经济增长较快,但美国次贷危机爆发殃及全球金融市场,股市跌宕起伏,美元进一步贬值,原油价格直逼100美元大关,世界通货膨胀加剧,各国央行调整货币政策,西方贸易保护主义抬头,能源安全和气候变化问题凸显.展望2008年,世界经济前景具有较大的不确定性,世界经济发展又处于一个重要十字路口.     

当前世界经济走势及其对中国的影响

今年上半年,在美国次贷危机继续发酵和油价暴涨等诸多因素的综合影响下,世界主要经济体和全球经济趋缓,通货膨胀加剧。由于困难因素远未缓解,美国经济低速增长还将持续一段时间,发展中国家经济将继续受到一定的拖累。在当前不确定的国际经济金融环境下,中国发展的挑战与机遇并存,只要积极、及时、灵活应对,就能趋利避害,使经济继续保持强劲发展势头。     

反思美国十年繁荣

20世纪90年代为美国历史上最长的繁荣期,美国经济连续10年实现较强劲增长,经济总量在世界的比重显著提高,美对欧、日经济优势明显扩大。另一方面,随着繁荣期失衡现象的恶化,美国的社会经济也付出了沉重代价,发生股市暴跌、经济衰退、安全危机及公司信誉危机。美国经济出现的问题主要是股市泡沫、IT泡沫破灭等的结果。但这并不表明美国资本主义已出现“全面危机”。由于美国经济正常发展的基本因素仍然存在,政府和私人企业均有较强的调整能力,未来10年美国经济可望保持强于欧、日的适度增长,美国自由资本主义不会发生质变。     

Early American Views Regarding European Unification

This article examines the origins of US foreign economic policy in the post-1945 period and the major challenges posed to US policy by European economic integration and the establishment of a multilateral trade regime. US post-war economic planning began in the early stages of World War II. The US promoted bilateral trade agreements based on reciprocity and most-favoured-nation principles. During the war, US policy makers debated the merits of various plans to provide economic and financial assistance to Europe based on the assumption that Nazi Germany would be defeated. The plans for economic reconstruction of Europe were made under the premise that US economy would benefit from the creation of export markets in Europe. However, US policy makers were also concerned that the creation of a unified European market could potentially constitute a challenge to US economic hegemony and perhaps a political threat should Europe fall under another tyrannical regime. US policy therefore pursued twin tracks: it promoted economic reconstruction and integration in Europe; at the same time, it facilitated the establishment of an international trading regime that would promote principles of liberalised trade, support US economic growth and contribute to the development of a free enterprise capitalist trading system. This article illustrates that US economic planners in the 1940s were aware of the benefits and risks of European economic integration, seeking to balance European economic reconstruction with the establishment of a robust multilateral trading system.     

The Redirection of US Foreign Strategy against the Background of Globalization

American foreign strategy has had strong continuity since World War Ⅱ despite differences among successive presidents.Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign revealed ideas and goals for US strategy and strategy adjustment that differ significantly from those of predecessors.The decline in relative gains and rise in cost for US involvement in globalization are reasons for Trump to redirect US foreign strategy.The relative decrease of both US trade and foreign direct investment in the US,amid security threats and the identity crisis of the American people,has tremendously increased the pricetag for US involvement in globalization.     

US foreign policy,public memory,and autism: representing September 11 and May 4

In this article, we examine the social production of autism in US foreign policy discourse. Autism, we argue, is evident in the active forgetting of US foreign policy and its consequences, both in the US and abroad. It is this forgetting, promoted by the US state, that enabled many Americans to respond to the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon with the question ‘Why do they hate us?’ The explanation for the social production of an autistic attitude in US foreign policy, we argue, lies in the relations between institutional power and competing narratives and articulations of US foreign policy and domestic politics. The argument is illustrated through analysis of the politics of public memory at Kent State University in Kent, Ohio, where, on May 4, 1970, 13 students were shot, four fatally, while protesting the US invasion of Cambodia.     

The false promise of unipolarity: constraints on the exercise of American power

In World out of balance, Stephen Brooks and William Wohlforth make a valuable contribution to ongoing debate about the systemic effects of unipolarity and the durability of US primacy. They are correct that unipolarity engenders systemic stability because the power gap between the United States and potential rivals forestalls military balancing. However, Brooks and Wohlforth underweight other means through which major states are resisting US power and they fail to appreciate that the systemic characteristics of unipolarity may change in relatively short order.     

Does Membership on the UN Security Council Influence Voting in the UN General Assembly?

Recent studies report that temporary members of the UN Security Council receive favorable treatment from the IMF, the World Bank, or in US foreign aid in exchange for their political support for permanent members. Nevertheless, few studies have examined whether this favorable treatment and these benefits have actually made any significant changes in the member states’ voting behavior in the United Nations. To explore this question, we investigate whether membership on the UN Security Council influences a state’s voting in the UN General Assembly. In the analysis of panel data for 197 countries over the period from 1946 to 2008, the empirical results show that elected members of the UN Security Council tend to behave similarly with permanent members, especially with the United States, as the number of loan programs signed with the IMF and the World Bank increases. Also, US foreign aid significantly increases temporary members’ vote coincidence with the United States and other permanent members. In this regard, this article contributes to our understanding of state voting behavior and power politics in international organizations.     

A Postscript to the Asian Financial Crisis: The Fragile International Economic Order

This article situates the East Asian financial/economic crisis among other key economic events of the post-Cold-War world, assessing its significance alongside that of America's extraordinary economic growth in the 1990s and the collapse of the 1999 World Trade Organization meeting in Seattle. According to the author, the financial crisis could not have been avoided merely by removing national governments and international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund from markets. Such faith in unregulated markets is based on the incorrect assumption that investors are rational, as well as on the anomalous experience of the United States in the 1990s. While the US economy did improve markedly over the last decade, this growth was not due to unfettered capitalism, but rather to idiosyncratic aspects of the economy, such as a high borrowing rate. Gilpin points out that the end of this economic growth, alongside the protectionist impulses exhibited at the Seattle meeting, has contributed to a move away from international trade liberalization. The American free-market model, tarnished by corporate corruption, he argues, is no longer the goal of developing economies concerned about the lack of market controls. The result, he fears, is a growing fragility in the stability and governance of the global economy.     

Marmagão exchange

After two years of fighting in World War II, the US and Japan agreed on a second exchange of interned nationals. Neutral territory in Goa, Portuguese India, was chosen in October 1943, The US Consulate in Bombay directed the entire complicated operation. Two ships, each carrying approximately 1,500 refugees, all of whom required nationality checks, stateroom assignments, money settlements, sick passengers had to be transferred, and many other services had to be performed. As all were still enemies, they had to be kept separated throughout the operation. Remarkably, the acutal physical excahnge was completed in only three hours, on Tuesday, 19 October.     

中朝经贸关系发展的现状及未来走势分析

进入新千年后,中朝经贸关系出现了历史性的新发展,特别是2003和2004年连续取得突破10亿美元的最好业绩,使中国在朝鲜对外经贸关系中的重要地位再次得以凸现,使东亚各国对其今后的发展前景表现出极大的关注。随着朝鲜经济市场化改革的进展,中朝双边贸易未来几年还有进一步发展的余地。     

Contested geopolitical messages for tourists at the Okinawa Peace Park and memorials

Abstract

Now marketed as a tropical beach destination, Okinawa's identity is also forever linked with the horrors of war. Okinawa's tumultuous past encompasses the Ryukyu Islands, which had close economic ties to China until being annexed by mainland Japan, were invaded by the US in the Second World War, were occupied until 1972 and, more recently, have become the centre of heated debates over the continued presence of US military bases. The Battle of Okinawa was one of the bloodiest of the Second World War and the inhabitants faced not only the American invasion but also the tactics of the Japanese army, who viewed the islands as expendable in order to slow invading forces from reaching mainland Japan. In the context of the seventieth anniversary of the end of the Battle of Okinawa in 2015, and beyond, it is argued here that these conflicting geopolitical disputes present significant challenges in terms of the messages presented to educational dark tourists visiting the Okinawa Peace Park and Memorials. The Peace Park Story Tellers or kataribe who are the Second World War survivors, have the critical task of mediating the message to both domestic and international tourists, some of whom are not prepared to hear anti-Japan sentiment. Through an examination of the historical and geographic background, and an analysis of the tourist experience at the Peace Park and Memorials, this paper explores the complexity of educational dark tourism where competing messages collide.     

Gerald Fitzmaurice (1865–1939), Chief Dragoman of the British Embassy in Turkey by Berridge,G.R

Nixon was one of the first American politicians to advocate the building of a strong US‐Japan economic alliance and the Nixon administration laid the foundation for the healthy post‐Vietnam dialogue that the Carter and Reagan administrations cultivated with Tokyo. This article examines that foundation, and its contribution to the general post‐World War II US‐Japan relationship. Vietnam changed America, and it even changed the way a once arch‐cold warrior, Nixon, viewed the significance of US‐Japan relations. After years of Washington's scoffing at or ignoring Japanese interests, this American ‘discovery’ of Japan was an important development in itself. Hence, this article also examines a relationship in transition which, for Nixon's America, was an important first step in the construction of a post‐Vietnam view of Asian/Pacific cooperation.