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赫拉克利特作为古希腊最具影响力之一的哲学家,具有其独特的思维风格以及理论贡献,不仅在古希腊时期具有举足轻重的地位,乃至是整个西方近现代哲学家中都深有影响。其鲜明的格言式语言,以及提出奠定了西方理性思维与精神的"逻各斯"思想和朴素辩证法。试图主要通过对以上三大内核特征分别阐述并结合古希腊哲学整体特质,以到达对赫拉克利特哲学思想较为全面的把握。 相似文献
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董敬畏 《云南行政学院学报》2011,13(3):161-164
交换作为一种现象,社会科学对此有众多研究。乡村社会的交换既是理解中国民众生活的钥匙,也是理解中国社会性质的切入点。既有的中国乡村社会交换研究借鉴西方的社会交换与礼物研究理论取得了一些成果。文章对此进行回顾,并提出批评。 相似文献
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当代中国人学思潮的产生和发展,既有我们国内文化和理论进展的内在因素在起作用,也有苏联和20世纪西方人道主义文化和人学思潮等外在因素在起作用。德国哲学家舍勒提出的哲学人学,海德格尔、萨特提出的存在论、解释学,胡塞尔晚年提出的相互主体性、交往主体性和生活世界理论,它们作为当代人学理论的最初形式,都是20世纪初德国哲学现象学运动的产物。而现象学运动所载负的文化使命就是从对主体、对人本身的沉思和批判出发,通过人心和人性的重建,去找到克服科学危机、哲学危机和全人类的生存危机的思想力量。回顾人学思潮的理论发端和初心使命,就会使我们更加明确,当前我国人学理论工作的主旨就是要在改革开放的历史新时期,努力重建我们的"相互主体性"和"生活世界",重建一种革新了的人性、人格和人的价值。 相似文献
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刘险得 《云南行政学院学报》2008,10(2):12-14
作为在批判功能主义基础上发展起来的新功能主义,是研究欧洲一体化的重要理论.外溢和超国家性观念是新功能主义的核心要素.本文尝试对新功能主义进行全面的分析和评判,包括其理论假设、思想内核.以及其对实践的指导作用等.从而对新功能主义有更深层次的理解. 相似文献
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亚当·斯密是经济学鼻祖,更是西方伦理学的代表性人物。斯密从人性作为切入点进行考察,对人在社会中的行为价值取向进行深刻论述。同情、利己和合宜思想作为亚当·斯密伦理思想体系的重要组成部分,深入挖掘其思想内核,对我国现代化发展有强烈的现实作用。 相似文献
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国内哲学界对马克思人性观的理解与诠释,虽然抓住了实践、社会、历史等马克思哲学的一些重要概念,但研究往往局限于对概念、文本的直观性理解,忽视了马克思变革人性观的生命根基.人的"本质交换"作为人的"本源性"生命存在方式,对它的生命自我意识是理解马克思人性观的视角之一.在人类生命发展的不同历史阶段,人的"本质交换"有其特定的方式.西方传统哲学家运用"实体观点"思维方式将人的"本质交换"抽象化,人与抽象"本体"进行概念性的"本质交换",人性亦被"抽象化".马克思运用"生存观点"思维方式,将人的"本质交换"诠释为"现实的人"社会地、历史地实现生命本性"对象化"的活动方式,从而确立了"具体人性观".马克思立足于对人的"本质交换"的觉解变革人性观的致思理路及其思想成果,是当代中国人在市场经济中形成"个性化"人性观的重要思想资源. 相似文献
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乡土社会秩序重建是在中国现代化过程中的一个独特现象,这一现象使得主流的现代化社会秩序重建观念面临复杂的情景。本文通过对乡土秩序及其重建观进行梳理和评析,提出以法治秩序为主导的多元秩序观。 相似文献
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文化视野下中国社会中的礼物与贿赂 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
在不同的社会文化背景下,对什么是腐败行为有着不同的判断标准。特别是在中国社会中,个体行动者通过自我道德化表演的策略将不被法律认可的贿赂掩饰和转变为能够被社会规范所接受的礼物,以此来刻意模糊礼物和贿赂的界限。通过对中国社会中礼物的运作逻辑及其社会文化意义、以及法律在认定贿赂过程中局限性的考察,可以看出礼物和贿赂的辨析方向:礼物交换运行在私人生活领域,双方以同质性的形式依据交换物的象征性价值进行交换,并在这一过程中构建起交换主体之间的关系;贿赂运行在公共领域,双方以异质性的形式依据交换物的经济性价值进行交换,更强调交换物本身数量的关系。 相似文献
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Patrik Aspers 《Society》2010,47(3):214-219
This article outlines and discusses the second road to phenomenology. It is argued that Martin Heidegger’s approach to phenomenology
represents a radical break with the first, and egological, road paved by Edmund Husserl. The article shows that sociologists
who have followed Husserl and Schütz, or more generally have assumed the egological approach, in fact operate with a non-sociological
starting point. Husserl brackets the lifeworld in order to get to true knowledge. In his view, ego tries to reach out to other
egos, and social relations is a consequence of egos attempts. Heidegger, in contrast, argues that our lifeworld is the starting
point of any knowledge, and this means that man is essentially constituted as being together with other men. 相似文献
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Jean-Paul Azam 《Public Choice》1995,83(1-2):173-184
This paper analyses a simple game-theoretic model to highlight the choice of the government between raising its defence expenditures or giving away some “gifts” to his opponents, as a means to defend his position in power. If the government is a Cournot-Nash player, then there is no gift in equilibrium, and any increase in the budget will lead to more inefficient defence expenditures. However, if the government is a Stackelberg-leader, then he will use the “gift” as a tool in his policy for staying in power. 相似文献
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Stephen Dann Phil Harris Gillian Sullivan Mort Marie‐Louise Fry Wayne Binney 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2007,7(3):291-304
The paper reports on the core challenges faced by the nonprofit, political and social marketing disciplinary areas and suggests a series of research agendas to develop theory and practice to meet these challenges.
- Social marketing's research agenda involves the continued adaptation of the new developments in commercial marketing, whilst building a base of social marketing theory and best practice benchmarks that can be used to identify, clarify and classify the boundaries of social marketing against social change techniques.
- Nonprofit marketing is pursuing the dual research agenda of developing the theory and practice of social entrepreneurship whilst seeking deeper consumer‐based research to understand motivations for charitable behaviour and gift giving.
- Political Marketing's research agenda looks for an increase in the level of background research, core data and market research to use as a basis for developing more advanced theoretical and practical models. In addition, as political marketing is being transferred internationally between a range of political and electoral systems, there is a need for comparative research into both the relevance and effectiveness of these techniques to isolate nation independent and nation dependent political marketing strategies and campaigns.
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James Walter 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1999,58(1):23-32
American observation has shaped Australian social analysis for most of the 20th century. The high point in American influence on Australia was arguably between the 1940s and the 1980s. Its influence in Australian political science can be traced through the work of an insightful interpreter of the Australian polity and its bureaucratic practices, A.F. Davies (1924-87). The tensions between 'knowledge criteria' and 'political criteria', between bureaucracy as a 'stain' and the best means of delivering equalising outcomes, between the necessary skills of 'program professionals' and the demands of broad participation were at the core of his work. Testing his propositions 10 years after his final work shows Davies accurately foreshadowed the essentials of what he designated 'the steady evaporation of politics'. Davies's reflection on Australia was productively shaped by dialogue with America as the metropolitan culture. His insistence that the comparative framework, the bureaucratic imperative of complex organisation, and an interpretative sense of political cultures should inform political analysis remains an important message as we address the problems of the 1990s. 相似文献
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Peter Marcus Kristensen 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(2):161-187
AbstractThe international relations (IR) discipline is known as an ‘American Social Science’ dominated by scholars and theories from the US core. This paper compares IR in two noncore settings, China and Europe. It shows that there is a growing institutional and intellectual integration into global Anglophone, mostly American, IR in both Europe and China. Both Chinese and European IR communities have established top Anglophone journals like the European Journal of International Relations and the Chinese Journal of International Politics to spearhead their integration into mainstream Anglophone IR and carve out a space for regional thinking. Yet, the analysis of their publication and citation patterns shows that IR outside the American core communicates through a hub-and-spokes system where there is always a connection to the American core but rarely very strong linkages to other peripheral regions. The two journals studied thus function as outlets for ‘local’ and American scholars, rely on ‘local’ and American sources, and there is very little integration and exchange between Chinese and European IR. Chinese and European IR would benefit from such a dialogue, especially regarding ‘schools’ of IR at the margins of an ‘American social science’. 相似文献
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While citizenship scholars have documented the increasing moralisation of immigration and integration policies, relatively few have explored how immigrants themselves make sense of their (partial) membership of European welfare states. Drawing on semi-structured interviews and participant observation with Syrian refugees, this article documents how they interpret and act upon the partial and limited citizenship status they are given in Belgium. We focus on one dimension of their experiences: their stigmatic dependency upon the Belgian welfare state. While their accounts can be partly understood as reproducing neoliberal discourses, we argue that they are also a strategic reaction against the dependency that is inadvertently created by European welfare states. From our respondents’ perspectives, their social rights thus appear not so much as entitlements to be claimed, but as a continuation of the humanitarian logic of the (unreciprocated) gift. 相似文献
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Anke Hassel 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2000,41(3):498-524
In recent years, new forms of tripartite concertation between governments, employers’ confederations and trade unions have re-emerged in the form of social pacts. The paper aims at explaining the emergence of social pacts under the impact of European regime competition. It argues that governments increasingly seek structural reforms of the labour market in order to solve the employment crisis. These structural reforms are however hardly attainable without the co-operation of the social partners. Using tripartite agreements, governments try to get the acceptance of trade unions to a reform policy which is conducive for employment growth. While social pacts are struck under the impact of regime competition, the political exchange between trade unions and governments does not have to foster this competition, but social pacts can facilitate European co-ordination of employment policies, since they strengthen the role of social partners. 相似文献
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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(5):469-488
ABSTRACT Silvio Berlusconi's use of ethnicity and immigration as national security issues in his successful campaign for election to the Italian presidency in 2008 was by no means unique in contemporary Europe. What was surprising was the speed of his right-wing government's legislative restriction of migrants in the form of the so-called ‘security package’, first introduced just five weeks after the election. Woodcock explores the striking fact that this ‘security package’, and the intense wave of racist violence by Italians against Roma that it legitimized and encouraged, was proposed and justified in response to media reports of Italian babies being stolen by ‘Zingari’ from the ‘nomad camps’ and of Italian women being raped and beaten by Romanian men of ‘Zingari’ ethnicity. Gender and ethnicity are the twin constitutive discourses of modern European society, and racialized subjects are necessarily gendered. The stereotype of ‘dangerous black men sexually threatening white women’ has been mobilized in a vast range of European and colonial nationalist projects in order to justify the policing of both racialized masculine subjects and women as objects of the patriarchy. Similarly, the depiction of women as hysterical, sexually vulnerable objects in need of (white) masculine protection is an old story that the Italian media recognize as a fairy tale even as they reproduce the discourse. Woodcock explores what has not been mentioned thus far, namely, that gender stereotypes are vital to the mobilization of violent racism against the Roma in contemporary Italy, and how conservative gender binaries are strengthened and policed in a time of social crisis through the stereotyping of Roma as racial threat. 相似文献
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民法典编纂始于党的十八届四中全会决定,将于2020年3月全国人大进入最后审议阶段。回顾民法典编纂进程,交锋激烈,有理念冲突,有体系之争,更有制度辩论,核心问题可以概括为民法的现代性命题。本文从民法典编纂的社会基础、基本原则演化、知识产权入典和惩罚性赔偿制度四个主要维度,对此核心命题进行简要回顾和梳理,重点展示民法典编纂的现代性及其限度,旨在深化理论认知和实践探索,以期对当下及今后的国家法治建设有所贡献。 相似文献