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This article explores the neglected relationship between conservatism as political theory and conservatism as political practice using the example of recent immigration to Europe. A cursory glance at how European politicians have responded to migration challenges suggests that they roughly divide into an open‐arm, leftist ‘liberal’ camp and a right‐wing ‘conservative’ one. The situation, however, is more complex. This article engages with the resources of conservative theory to argue that there are many distinct conservative theoretical positions for any one policy point. Using contemporary migration patterns as a case study, the findings suggest that Conservative parties have not borrowed much from conservative theory in its variety of incarnations. In fact, conservative theory can buttress a course of action that is generous toward migrants and at odds with the claims of right‐wing populist movements. While certain strands of conservatism imagine a homogenous people, there are others that are no less pro‐pluralism than liberal theories, and sometimes more so. 相似文献
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Dave Huitema Andrew Jordan Eric Massey Tim Rayner Harro van Asselt Constanze Haug Roger Hildingsson Suvi Monni Johannes Stripple 《Policy Sciences》2011,44(2):179-198
Climate policy is a relatively young and dynamic area of public policy making. However, its development has attracted far
more attention than the results it delivers in practice, which of course are the concern of policy evaluators. This article
attempts to provide the first systematic cataloging of the emerging patterns of policy evaluation undertaken in different
parts of the European Union. Theories of policy evaluation suggest that these evaluation practices should acknowledge the
inherent complexity of climate policy making, be reflexive by questioning official policy goals, and be participatory. A meta-analysis
of 259 climate policy evaluations suggests that current practice engages with some but not all of these issues. This article
concludes by analyzing the implications of this finding for those in the academic and practitioner community who are keen
to understand the extent to which climate policy evaluation is delivering on its promises. 相似文献
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R. W. Hildreth 《Citizenship Studies》2012,16(7):919-935
Research on youth civic engagement often sees the everyday lives of young people as barriers to civic engagement. Recent qualitative approaches have drawn attention to the civic and political dimensions of young people's everyday lives. This is a crucial insight, but cannot – by itself – answer a key question: just how is it that everyday experience can be transformed into civic engagement? I argue that John Dewey's theory of experience makes two key contributions toward answering this question. First, Dewey's situational understanding of experience directs us to the concrete conditions of everyday life as the necessary groundwork and starting point for civic engagement. Second, his concept of reflective experience helps us understand how taken for granted assumptions about political and social life can be transformed into more active forms of engagement. I illustrate this argument by drawing on selected findings from a qualitative study of young people's experience in Public Achievement, a civic engagement initiative. 相似文献
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思想政治理论课专题式教学的改革与实践研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
专题式教学作为一种重要的教学手段和方法在教学实践中广泛应用.着重探索了在选题、授课和辅导三个时间段如何运用专题式教学,提高思想政治理论课实效性的问题. 相似文献
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INGRID VAN BIEZEN 《European Journal of Political Research》2005,44(1):147-174
Abstract. In addressing issues of party development in contemporary democracies, many of the recent discussions confuse notions of party formation with those of party adaptation. The contention of this article is that the conceptual confusion of these two distinct processes undermines our understanding of party development, which is of particular importance in the context of the more recently established democracies. Moreover, in order to contribute to theory building on political parties more generally, it is necessary to differentiate between the two. This article offers some theoretical contours for the study of party formation and development, and empirically evaluates the patterns of organizational development in some of the newer democracies in Southern and East-Central Europe. The analysis shows that the external context of party formation has encouraged these parties to adopt an organizational style largely resembling their contemporary counterparts in the older democracies. However, despite the resemblance between party organizations in the older liberal democracies and the newly established ones, the paths of party development are best understood as processes sui generis . The historical uniqueness of parties emerging as strong movements of society, as opposed to agents of the state, is a path that is unlikely to be repeated in contemporary polities which democratize in a different institutional context. 相似文献
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This paper presents a model of provocation in a federation, wherein the state government triggers an insurgency with a view toward acquiring control of some economic assets with the help of the central government. Some econometric support for this model is found using data on the Naxalite conflict in eight states of India. The tests performed control for endogeneity of the state government’s police force interventions. They suggest that the latter are meant to trigger the violent activity of the insurgents, so as to lure the central government into intervening and helping clear the ground for mining purposes in the lands of tribal people. 相似文献
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苏格拉底和王阳明的知行合一观比较对思想政治教育的启示 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
苏格拉底和王阳明都持“知行合一”的观点。苏格拉底的理论出发点是“没有人愿意有意做恶”,王阳明理论的出发点是人先天具有良知。苏格拉底理论强调“知善”的重要性,王阳明理论强调“行善”的重要性。苏格拉底的理论归宿是善,王阳明的理论归宿是“致良知”。他们的理论启发思政工作者对教育对象尊重且信任、重知又重行。 相似文献
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本文通过目前思想政治理论课常用教学模式的调查,分析存在的问题,在总结经验和创新实践的基础上构建多样化的教学模式,这种教学模式是综合运用多种教学方法的立体化教学模式,是一种动态的、良性的教学模式,它对教师个人能力和团队能力提出了更高的要求。 相似文献
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The unusual size and persistence of the gender gap in political knowledge is perplexing in comparison to other dimensions of politics. Building on situational explanations of political engagement, this article claims that women’s and men’s specific adult roles lead to an enlargement of the gender gap in knowledge. The present study analyses men and women’s levels of political knowledge at different life stages by means of two unique datasets specifically collected to measure what people know about politics. Findings show that adult roles provide more opportunities for men to gain political knowledge than for women. Furthermore, the comparison of levels of political knowledge in two such dissimilar countries as Finland and Spain suggests that while gender equality policies are successful in tearing down some of the obstacles that hinder women’s contact with the political world, they are still insufficient to completely bridge the gender gap in political knowledge during adulthood. 相似文献
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In reply to Marquette and Peiffer's article “Grappling With the ‘Real Politics’ of Systemic Corruption: Theoretical Debates Versus ‘Real‐World’ Functions,” this article employs three criticisms: Marquette and Peiffer's call to grapple with the “real politics of corruption” does not bring much new to the table, is conceptually flawed, and risks serving as an excuse for corrupt elites to pursue “business as usual.” In response, we reaffirm three insights gained from collective action‐based approaches toward corruption. Although corruption might solve individual‐level problems in the short term, it is still a de facto problem at the aggregate level, the tools derived from principal–agent theory will not solve the collective action problem of systemic corruption, and elites will be the least likely to implement reform. We conclude by calling for the continued fight against corruption—a fight informed by empirical and theoretical knowledge. 相似文献
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Policy Sciences - Current political developments in established liberal democracies in both Europe and North America have fundamentally called into question the normative relations between truth,... 相似文献
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Hans-Jörg Schmidt-Trenz 《Public Choice》1989,62(3):237-251
The social contract theory of J.M. Buchanan provides no clear-cut answer on the question which one of the multitude of possible
Pareto-efficient contracts is chosen by individuals who shape a contract in an (imaginary) state of nature. This deficiency
is remedied in this paper by adding the Nash-bargaining theory. It seems to be in line with at least part of Buchanan's reasoning.
Whereas for Buchanan the configuration of contract depends unilaterally on the natural equilibrium of the state of nature,
we are able to show that the parties' (rational) contractual expectations have repercussions for their behavior in the state
of nature. That is why the location of the natural equilibrium proves to be heavily dependent on the chosen bargaining theory.
The implication is that assessing the legitimacy of a given constitutional order or contract (on the basis of the natural
equilibrium) depends on the particular bargaining theory chosen to solve the underlying constitutional distribution problem.
I am grateful to D. Andrews, D. Schmidtchen and U. Witt for helpful comments on earlier drafts. The usual caveat applies. 相似文献
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随着高校新引进人才学历层次普遍进入博士化时代,助教职称面临事实上的断档问题,青年教师也因此失去打牢授课基础的机会.为此必须针对青年教师创设助教制度,充分利用思想政治理论课的实践教学平台,锻造、锤炼青年教师的授课技艺,打牢青年教师从教为学的基础.在具体的运作过程中,要精心选取教学形式,注重制度建设的科学性,注重问题的落实. 相似文献