充分发挥道德模范在精神文明建设中的引领作用

“人无德不立，国无德不兴”。道德作为公民素质的基础，精神文明的核心，对于民族的复兴、国家的强盛、社会的进步具有至关重要的作用。道德模范是一定社会道德的人格化，它具有直观性和形象性，能够增强道德教育的感染力、吸引力和引导力。道德模范的思想行为和模范事迹承载着一定社会主流道德的价值取向，体现着一定社会所要求的人生观、价值观和道德观。     

孔子“忠恕之道”及其道德价值解析

在物欲充塞的现代社会里，人们的道德行为逐渐失衡。孔子的“忠恕之道”能够给予我们极大的道德启示，对社会道德体系的重建具有重要作用。以孔子的“忠恕之道”为研究对象，解析“忠”、“恕”的含义及其辩证关系，说明“忠恕之道”的具体实践方法及对社会的道德价值。     

马克思主义唯物史观与道德观的交融及启示

马克思主义唯物史观蕴含着丰富的道德思想和理论主张,既是对“人类历史之谜”的科学解答,又是对“历史必然目的”的理论澄明,持有对资本主义道德的批判精神和以人民解放、自由和发展为旨趣的价值追求。马克思主义道德观以唯物史观为理论基石,揭示了道德与经济关系之间的必然联系及其变化和发展规律,强调道德的实践能动作用,把人的发展视为社会发展的道德标志。唯物史观与道德观的内在融合启示我们,对社会进步的总体评价包含历史评价与道德评价两个基本方面,这样才能体现马克思主义真理性与价值性的辩证统一,才有利于社会的全面进步、和谐发展。社会进步不应以“牺牲道德进步”为代价,中国式现代化是物质文明与精神文明相协调的现代化。     

新时期道德建设的几个问题

人类存在和发展的基本法则，就是严格限制个体的生物属性，肯定和培植其社会属性，使个体行为与群体规则保持一致，以利于个体生存和群体发展。纵观人类的文明史，这种群体规则主要表现为道德和法律，道德是人类自我约束的思想意识规范，法律是国家强制执行的社会行为规范，二者相互依存、相互补充，构成了经邦济世的方略体系。进入新时期，党中央在扬弃历代治国经验的基础上，坚持“法治”和“德治”并重，确立了“务德尚法，以德为本”的治国思想。一、正确探析道德建设的价值。1、道德建设的工具价值。道德的价值是指道德的效用及其满足…     

"以德治国"与传统的礼治

“以德治国”与传统的礼治不同。传统礼治的根本原则是确认和维护社会的等级差别,“以德治国”的根本原则是建设有中国特色社会主义。礼治的最高价值目标是实现等级社会的人际和谐、社会统一,“以德治国”的最高价值目标是培养有理想、有道德、有文化、有纪律的社会主义公民。现代德治要摒弃传统礼治中的封建糟粕内容,批判吸取和利用其道德教化功能对国家治理的独特作用。     

简论社会道德变革中的个人作为

一个社会的道德状况如何，表现为道德主体的个人行为，而道德主体的行为又需要社会道德环境的保障，在一个没有保障的社会环境中，为善、助人为乐、见义勇为都可能面临危险或者造成损失。轰动一时的2006年的南京“彭宇案”和2009年的天津“许云鹤案”，都引起了社会的广泛关注，人们就社会道德状况展开了大讨论。2011年广东佛山“小悦悦事件”的发生，网友热议的焦点已经不单单是社会道德状况如何的问题，而是开始了对自身的叩问：“是否可以如此冷漠，     

试论当代大学生道德选择的原则

大学生能否在道德冲突面前做出正确选择关系到整个社会的道德建设，而要作出正确的道德选择，往往需要遵循一定的原则。面对社会主义市场经济发展中的道德冲突，当代大学生除了要遵循社会主义核心价值体系这一核心原则外，还应遵循道德自由与道德责任相统一、逻辑判断与价值判断相统一、个人完善与社会至善相统一、“最大善目的”与“最小恶手段”相统一、认知与行动相统一等基本原则。     

当代中国道德价值共识构建探究

道德价值共识根植于民族的文化传统,反映了社会的利益结构,维系着国家命脉。道德价值共识根源于特定社会的生产方式,产生于现实的交往实践中,并与人的需要紧密相关。构建道德价值共识必须立足中国国情,遵循道德发展规律,维护人民群众利益,秉承优秀传统文化,以开放的精神兼收并蓄并服务于社会的长远发展。道德价值共识的构建思路应充分考虑当前中国社会的国情,分层面构建道德价值共识体系,明确核心道德价值追求,以利益共享夯实道德价值共识根基,并形成完整的科学体系。     

浅谈道德信仰

在以往的研究中,"道德信仰"始终没有受到应有的关注;面对今天的道德危机与信仰危机,必须加强"道德信仰"研究。在实际精神生活中,道德和信仰往往是紧密联系在一起的。信仰对于人们的道德观念和行为具有决定性的影响,它是人们道德行为选择的价值坐标和导引,是个体实现其人生意义、社会价值和幸福追求的重要保证,是人的精神生命的主要存在形式。     

对社会主义市场经济条件下底线道德的再认识

道德是人们善的社会行为,底线道德是人们善的最低层次。“不损人”并不是社会主义市场经济条件下的底线道德。考察底线道德应坚持“宏观层次”、“中观层次”、“微观层次”的有机统一。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.