"第三条道路"与传统民主社会主义相比较之异同

布莱尔等标榜的第三条道路,既不是资本主义与社会主义之间的"半社会主义"、也不是社会党与共产党之间的"第三种社会主义",确切地说,它实际上是社会民主主义与欧洲保守主义之间的所谓"第三"选择.工党的自由主义化并不始自布莱尔与其精神导师吉登斯,但布莱尔、吉登斯的"新工党理念"的确使这一进程迈进了一大步.为适应经济、科技、社会、阶级和生存环境等各方面全球性变化,新工党提出的新的社会民主主义的理论和政策,与传统民主社会主义相比,在几个方面表现出新的时代特点和变化.     

后第三条道路时代的英国工党

工党进入后第三条道路时代指的是布莱尔下台后,工党继续在"第三条道路"的框架下探索前进的道路,只是这种探索不再涉及理论层面,而是进入到具体策略层面。这一判断的依据有二:一是"第三条道路"提出的时代背景没有改变,英国工党不可能重回激进左翼的老路,继续在"第三条道路"框架下探索改革的途径是唯一选择;二是"第三条道路"可划分为三个层次,目前进入到具体策略层次。后第三条道路时代的工党危机重重,并且失去了执政的地位,但是工党正好借此机会反省自己、重新调整,可以说选举的失利给了工党一次重新洗牌的机会。     

从吉登斯的“第三条道路”看民主社会主义理论的新变化

苏东剧变后西方社会出现的一个重要政治现象就是以吉登斯为代表的"第三条道路"这一新理论和政策主张的提出,其试图走一条超越传统民主社会主义和新自由主义的道路。拟运用文献研究与比较分析研究的方法,以"第三条道路"的提出背景和主要内容为切入点,通过对其与传统民主社会主义进行分析和比较,折射出当代民主社会主义发展的新变化,进而深入剖析其理论的实质,得出吉登斯的"第三条道路"理论仍然是资产阶级改良主义的结论,坚定我们走科学社会主义道路的信心。     

“第三条道路”社会治理方略研究及现实性反思

民主社会主义,在人类历史的进程中打下过深刻的印记,在20世纪后期出现社会危机,西方社会党就思考如何能脱离困境,英国的工党最后主张发展第三条道路,称之为民主社会主义的现代化方略,并得到西欧主要国家社会党的认同。第三条道路的提出具有其时代特征,经济、政治各方面都有比较务实的社会治理方略,其针对社会基层和广大公民的改革治理方略,对中国当下治理思路有十分重要的借鉴意义。     

英国告别布莱尔时代

属于布莱尔个人的时代并未结束,他的新头衔是:中东问题特使英国现任首相布莱尔于6月27日正式辞职,继任者是现工党主席布朗。执政十年,布莱尔苦苦上下求索“第三条道路”,结果遭遇内部逼宫,黯然提前离场,令世人诧异。     

世纪之交西欧社会党的改良重心、方法和依据

如果说二战以后社会民主主义(民主社会主义)在改良资本主义的道路上做的是“正题”、新自由主义重振资本主义的方案是一个“反题”的话,那么,当代西欧社会党以“第三条道路”为破题方式、按超越左右政治框架的逻辑来解决问题的思路,就表现为一个“合题”。在做这个“合题”时,西欧社会党的改良重心是为了解决经济利益和社会公正之间的新矛盾,其基本改良方法是在全球化进程中实现经济利益和社会公正之间的新平衡,而这次改良运动的依据,仍然是它们所推崇的社会民主主义基本价值观。     

第三条道路:历史、现状及发展前景

９０年代以来，由西方发达资本主义国家一批政要提出的“第三条道路”的主张，引起了很大的社会反响，愈益受到人们的关注，究竟应当如何认识“第三条道路”问题，本文从以下几个方面作一些说明。一、历史上的“第三条道路”“第三条道路”不是９０年代才提出的思想主张或...     

第三条道路内的理论分歧

第三条道路宣称它既不是旧式的国家社会主义,又不是自由市场的新自由主义,而是把新自由主义者所强调的经济效率和活力与传统左派所关注的平等与社会凝聚力结合起来,这颇似一幅完整的政策框架,但实际上其内部存在着重大的理论差异,甚至是完全不同的政治工程,既有代表现代社会民主的平等思想,又有现代托利主义左派"一个民族国家"的思想.因此,所谓的第三条道路实际上是一个多元性的政策框架,这种内在的多元性特点,既有助于左派建立广泛的政治联盟,孤立主张自由市场的右派,但由于其政治观点的模棱两可又容易疏远那些希望根据明确思想而采取行动的支持者,使人担心第三条道路的生命力.     

世纪之交西欧社会党的理论创新与政治归依

世纪之交西欧社会党的理论创新是通过以下四条路径来实现的:从“阶级政治”过渡到“后阶级政治”,从全面规制走向注重实效,从注重结果平等到机会平等与结果平等并重,从传统政治运作方式到关注新政治问题。作为这一理论创新成果的“第三条道路”虽然提出了解决新时代复杂政治问题的新思路,却消解了西欧社会党传统的社会主义身份特征,使之在政治上完全溶合于资本主义。     

中国特色社会主义道路的理论源头探析

揭示中国特色社会主义道路的理论源头,能够更加清晰地看到中国特色社会主义道路的理论正确性,从而能够更加坚定对中国特色社会主义的自信。马克思恩格斯提出并论证了不通过资本主义而走向社会主义的道路(新道路),新道路的理论论证之中所蕴含的一般原理由三个方面构成:第一,根据不同的社会历史条件走不同的社会发展道路;第二,无产阶级领导的革命与政权;第三,占有资本主义制度所创造的一切积极的成果。新道路的一般原理正是中国特色社会主义道路的理论源头。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.